Notes on new data on "undercurrents"-- Working Annotated Bibliography Part 2*

*Indicates "work in progress" in research; or work referred to by secondary source.

Notes on new data on Bush: Working Annotated Bibliography, Part II

ABC News. 20/20 Monday. KATV, Little Rock, AR. Nov. 3, 1999. Well, my dad would be extremely unhappy right now. He liked George Bush a great deal, and didn't have the doubts about him that I've been forced by events and research to have. George Bush was in tears on nationwide television tonight. Specifically, Sam Donaldson interviewed him, examining "another side of George Bush"--that freed-up side he's felt more free to show since retirement from public life. He's a writer of letters and e-mails.

Donaldson says a reading of Bush's letters reveals a man not vindictive by nature-- somewhat at odds with Bush's earlier behavior in relation to some who've worked with him, such Reagan's first Secretary of State Alexander Haig, who generally gave the impression he feared a vindictive Bush (according to Tarpley and Chaitkin).

However, this seeming contradiction would be in fitting with what I perceived about Bush (and described in "Conclusions: Guilty or Innocent, or Can It Be That Simple?"), that one of the reasons Bush ordered US military personnel into Somalia for that humanitarian effort in the last days of his administration (after he'd already been defeated in the 1992 Presidential electiion), was that, as a retiree, he was at last free from family's, family friends', CIA's and "the company's" (that is, Standard Oil's) entanglements, machinations and intrigues. Those continuing episodes and the unending need for cover-ups, follow-ups and the like were finally over for him.

George Bush did a great deal in his life to protect family name and covered for a number of shifty characters. Ironically, in losing "official" power, he gained personal, private power over his own life. There are many and complex layers to this man. Those layers are among the "undercurrents in all our lives."

Abrams, Herbert L. "The President Has Been Shot" Confusion, Disability, and theTwenty-fifth Amendment in the Aftermath of the Attempted Assassination of Ronald Reagan. New York: Norton, 1992. 92-7; 110-121. Further mention of the perceived "argument" between Haig and Weinberger that day; Haig's "I'm in control here" statement; photos of sequence of events.

Akashi, Yoji. "Japanese Military Administration in Malaya--Its Formation and Evolution in Reference to Sultans, the Islamic Religion, and the Moslem-Malays, 1941- 1945." Asian Studies.7 (1) Apr. 1969. Quezon City, Philippines: Institute of Asian Studies, Univ. of Philippines. 81-110. In Note 13, Halliday says: "A valuable text on this is Yoji Akashi, 'Japanese Military Administration in Malaya and the Moslem Malays,1941-45,' Asian Studies, (Manila), Vol. 7, No. 1 (April 1969). Akashi points out that Harry Miller's standard biography of the Tengku completely glosses over all this. When premier, the Tengku invited Kubata shun, the wartime (1942-43) Japanese governor of Perak, back to Malaya, in 1960; and during his state visit to Japan in 1963, held a reception in Tokyo for the Japanese who had participated in the Malaya Military Administration. . .".

Alfange, Dean. The Case Against Dewey.(S. L.): Alfange, 1944. Makes the case that Dewey allied with Far Right, including on some foreign policy issues.

Anderson, Scott, and Jon Lee Anderson. Inside the League: The Shocking Exposť of How Terrorists, Nazis, and Latin American Death Squads have Infiltrated the World Anti-Communist League. New York: Dodd. 1986. 32-45 (esp. 36-7); 111. On page 228 of my manuscript, there is a two-paragraph quote in mid-page from Russ Bellant's book Old Nazis, the New Right and the Republican Party, which includes a reference to Bush's ties to Stanislaw Stankievich, mayor of Borrisow in 1941 who exterminated Jews and others and freed up Nazi troops from such "administrative" duties on the Eastern Front to fight US and British forces in Europe, resulting in greater US casualties and a longer war.

Bellant's text simply noted that "The 1985 Republican Heritage Groups Council convention delegation ...included Raisa Stankievich, wife of Stanislaw...(Bellant 11-12)". Bellant merely noted that Stankievich's wife was there, and didn't go into details as to why. I about halfway got the impression Stankievich was dead at the time.

He wasn't. He was very much alive--and very much had beeninvited to attend the GOP function, into which George Bush had a great deal of input and over which George Bush had a great deal of control. This is brought out clearly in Inside the League, an exposé about the World Anti-Communist League and the constant dealing with these Nazi "sympathizer" types that is most surprising, in many ways, about the post-War behavior of George Bush, a WW2 veteran.

This business of Laslo Pasztor is also intriguing and so is this new about the Bulgarian Legion people. Rumania was where Standard was really interested, though. I've just been recalling some information I read some years ago, and am re-evaluating it in lightsome of the newer information I've found. These footnotes in David Bergamini and others about how the Japanese had found "connections" in Bulgaria by 1943 got me intrigued. Then, I suddenly flashed back, after reading Inside the League by Anderson and Anderson, to Russ Bellant's Old Nazis, New Right and Republican Party.There, in Bellant's text, is a reference to one Alexander Ronnett, a Chicagoan and a regular at Reagan NSC meetings. Chicago TV interviewed this former Rumanian Nazi about his frequent participation at those meetings, given his former bad security rating at the end of WW2.

On top of that, Inside the League refers to Ronnett as a "connecting point"between the Bulgarian Fascists, known as the Bulgarian Legion, and his own Rumanian Fascists, and describes how he and "George Paprikoff, who had belonged to the pro-Nazi Bulgarian Legionary movement", and fellow Chicago fascists, traveled to a joint session of the Illinois state congress and met with Governor Jim Thompson in private. In July, about a year later, Reagan himself met with these folks, or their companero Yaroslav Stesko "whose followers assisted in the slaughter of Jews in the Ukraine", and Bush signed a photograph: "To the Honorable Yaroslav Stesko, with Best Wishes, George Bush." Stesko, as mayor of Ukrainian townships in 1941, had rounded up the Jews into a ghetto and blackmailed them with the threat of murder. After extorting thousands to millions from them, he had his forces move in and murder those thousands of Jews.

He had also participated in the murder of Polish officials who had committed the dastardly offense of spying for the Allies--an act which at least theoretically made the world a little safer for the likes of WW2 military personnel in the field like George Bush. For those murders, he had gone to prison. And did George resent him for his murder of his wartime helpers,those Polish officials? NO--now he was honored by the President and VP.

Attiwill, Kenneth. The Singapore Story. London: Muller, 1959. 126 [referred to in Note 11; also, from note 14 in Jon Halliday Political History of Japanese Capitalism, 363:] The British administration "were more interested in pleasing London by getting maximum production of Malayan rubber and tin than they were in defending Malaya. . .The Governor and his masters in London seemed more afraid of arming the Malayan Asiatics than they were of the menacing Japanese (136)."

Behr, Edward. Hirohito: Behind the Myth. New York: Vintage, 1990. 237-9; 269- 71; 272-81; 345-53; 377-79. Useful insights into the Japanese intrigues of summer,1944. This proves especially valuable alongside another unexpectedly productive source, David Bergamini's Japan's Imperial Conspiracy(cited in more detail below). One important insight gained from Bergamini's detailed and careful analysis of a wide array of sources, including those in Japanese, (which he and Behr have spared me the time and trouble of translating), is the major difference in approach of Emperor Hirohito of Japan to negotiations with the West versus that of Hitler.

In order to open a diplomatic offensive with the West, Germans were forced repeatedly to have to find some way to literally do away with Hitler. His intransigent position on negotiations left no alternative. Negotiation, said Hitler, was treason---as he so vociferously had argued in his taking power, when one of his key arguments that had roused wishful-thinking-based German ire had been that Germany's WW1 forces had been "defeated at the peace table, not on the battlefield".

Not so clear-cut at all was Hirohito's position. As Bergamini makes clear time and again, Hirohito backed numerous "peace feelers" right up to the end of the War. Finally concluding the cause was lost in the wake of Chief of Staff Sugiyama's bleak report to him on the overall Pacific War situation of August 1943, Hirohito commissioned one more definitive, exhaustive study by his military of any military options left. This, according to Bergamini and his sources (990), was "completed by the end of the year" and were even "more bleak than Sugiyama's preliminary findings (Bergamini 991)."

Thereafter, Hirohito was active in commissioning peace talks, peace feelers and all kinds of machinations to achieve some negotiated settlement with Chiang, Britain and the US, including using Bulgarian and Russian contacts (Bergamini 991).

On page 994, however, Bergamini brings clearly to the readers' awarenessthe vast difference in approach between the Hitler regime and that of Hirohito as to peacenegotiators. Involved in all kinds of ostensibly "unofficial" peace groups himself, the Emperor had a Right-winger named Nakano Seigo done away with when the latter attempted to break up what he was interpreting as unauthorized peace planning in the Court by October 27, 1943. Though this Right-winger's group plotted to assassinate Lord Privy Seal Kido and even Tojo for their by-then-revealed peace plans, Hirohito would have none of this (since he himself was in on it!). Instead of killing the peace mongers as was regularly done in Hitler's Germany at that time, Hirohito, instead, did away with the hawks. (In contrast, in the same time-frame, Hitler was killing the doves.)

A number of other instances cited in Bergamini's text and notes strongly reinforce the notion that both Hirohito and Tojo were actively pursuing peace negotiations with the West by mid-1944.

Bergamini, David. Japan's Imperial Conspiracy. NewYork: Morrow. 1971. xxxiii; 72; 727-29; 840-1; 853-6; 884-7; 905; 907-11; 913-16; 920; 934-9; 944-7; 959;960-3; 966-73 982-6; 989-991[fn] (refers to Japan's "Bulgarian contact" with America of 1943--would be interesting if this found to connect to Ivan Docheff of WACL fame); 992; 993; 994; 996; 997; 1004-9; 1012-14; 1048fn; Glossary section, pgs: 1103-4, where Bergamini says Masanobu disappeared "while visiting Hanoi".

This one source about Japan has several interesting things. There's a reference to some State Department documents, reference to Japanese contacts with the OSS in Switzerland. That was Allen Dulles's base when he was a station chief for the OSS. Extremely intriguing and further confirmation of the material such as Tarpley and Chaitkin, Charles Higham, and Loftus and Aarons, among others, have unearthed about Dulles. Also refers to how Hirohito made speeches in 1941, shortly after Pearl Harbor, in which he talked about Japan's "friends in American capital" and there are direct references to the documents that those speeches are in. I'm still looking through it for more about those letters between Dulles and the Japanese who he got off the hook for war crimes, and back into the Japanese gov't in 1945-7. The "Chapter Notes" in this book are among the best I've seen. Maybe it's because I'm far along with this, far along enough with the research to recognize the significance, now, of specific references of a certain types. In A Political History of JapaneseCapitalism by Jon Halliday (NY: Random. 1975), in this case, the chapter notes for "Pages 143-144", which appear on page 363-4 of the book, (note 15), make the following reference: "...It is extremely illuminating to read Masanabu Tsuji, Singapore: The Japanese Version (London, Constable and Co., 1962), which contains in an appendix the text of a Japanese booklet on fighting in Southeast Asia, with political indications on the struggle against European imperialisms. See also Saburo Hayashi (in collaboration with Alvin D. Coox),Kogun: The Japanese Army in the Pacific War.(Quantico, Va.Marine Corps Association, 1959).

"Tsuji Masanobu was probably the most brilliant strategist in the Imperial Army and played a key role in planning victories in China, the Philippines and Singapore. At the end of the war he evaded capture [emphasis added--mcs] and after several years returned to Japan. There, although listed by the British as a war criminal, he was not charged with war crimes [emphasis added--mcs]; he later became a member of the Diet, joining the ruling Liberal Democratic Party. He disappeared just outside Vientiane, Laos, in 1961, and speculation about his whereabous hascontinued rife to this day. Brief biography in I. I. Morris,Nationalism and the Right Wing in Japan: A Study of Post-War Trends (London, Oxford UP. 1960), pp. 450-51; cf Bergamini, Japan's Imperial Conspiracy."

That's just one of several interesting bits and pieces in this book. However, as Loftus and Aarons pointed out in the section of their book, there are still other sources. One is Nationalism and the Right Wing In Japan referred to in the quote above.

An interesting point addressed here,is how the first US bombing raid against Japan by B-29s, referred to by Stinnett (47): "The first B-29 raid on Japan took place on June 15, 1944, bombing the island of Kyushu but did little damage. These Superfortresses of the US Army Air Force were based in Chengtu, China. "Bergamini (1008) gives somewhat more detail,explaining why such bombing from such a location was not really a threat to Japan proper: The very day of the Saipan landing, B-29s from bases deep in China gave a small demonstration of what lay in store by strking a glancing blow at factories in Kyushu, the southernmost of Japan's home islands. This raid marked the beginning of the bombing of Japan, and Hirohito was quick to realize that, if Saipan fell, bombing of Japan would become routine... We note here that these were lightly-loaded aircraft, barely hitting the southernmost of Japan's home islands, and having to be extra-heavily-laden with fuel--and therefore bereft of most bombs and even much ammunition--to do so. Hence, the bases remaining to the US in China that had not be captured by the Japanese during the Ichigo offensive earlier in 1944, were not really satisfactory. The Japanese, merely by moving their arms and factories north of Kyushu, could totally avoid US bombs from central China. This reinforces yetagain the extreme importance of the capture of Saipan, and why the "balking"troops reported by Hoyt during campaign (200-19) for Saipan were so strategically placed from Dulles's perspective--and is why their officers' ties to Dulles's firms are so suspect here. After all, Dulles, as a bigwig at OSS, would know how to communicate with these men by mail in a way that would avoid the US censors. These strategically located officers, refusing to order their men forward, were not only delaying the capture of Saipan, they were delaying the US bombing of the Japanese home islands. Given the summer of 1944 "US State-Navy-War joint committee's approval of a paper advocated an arranged surrender of Japan, cited by Herbert L. Feis in Japan Subdued (see full reference under Feis's name later in this Annotated Bibliography), we should not wonder that Forrestal and Dulles were aided in their efforts to secretly and illegally arrange a negotiated peace with Japan. These "balking" officers were ultimately removed from their command positions on Saipan and their men then went on, under other commanding officers, to do a more satisfactory job. This all occurred, however, be it noted, while Dulles was still trying toarrange the negotiated settlement with the Axis, including the assassination of Hitler. When the latter failed, by July 20, 1944, the whole package essentially collapsed as a potential political bombshell to deliver to GOP Presidential candidate Dewey. It may be that Dewey himself didn't know about the scheme; however, it's interesting to note that, during Watergate, Nixon taped himself during "crisis control" as saying "Bring in George Bush. He'll do anything for our cause." Aside from the paranoid our cause, what did Nixon mean by "anything"? Up until that time, George Bush had done nothing especially spectacular --officially at least--for the GOP, having only run for an office in Texas and attended to the relatively routine functions of a number of routine-sounding appointed positions. Therefore, this quote from Nixon is intriguing, indeed. Does it refer to some insider knowledge of Bush's derring-do during World War II, when he may have risked life and limb to try to help Dulles arrange that 1944 version of an "October surprise"?

Bose, Subhas Chandra. Testament of Subhas Chandra Bose. Delhi: 1946 (microfilm).v-vi; 69-76, 223-229; 235; 239; 257; 265- 267; 273, 275. Direct excerpts from telegrams, letters, and radio speeches by Bose for the Axis. There are also a couple of other new sources. And of course,older sources (e.g., Loftus and Aarons, Higham, Simpson and R. Harris Smith) A list of interesting dates and events, more or less in sequence:

June 19, 1944: Bush "out of pocket" or odd records, off Marianas

June, 1944: Allen Dulles, OSS Switz. station chief, working w/ Axis to negotate a settlement behind FDR's back, begins using couriers; sets up connection with Vatican to use its couriers, which include Knights of Malta.

April -August 1944--Japaneseoff's in N. China "Ichigo" highly successful due to Chiang's treason against own generals.

April-late July, 1944--Japanese offensives in Burma-India border area early successes through mid-June. Japanese forces, with help from Indian National Army, a group of Indian Army defectors, actually occupies section of India, even this late in the war.

1944--"Fake" Japanese priests replace "standard" priests on Japanese-held Guam; George R. Tweed, USN, and guerilla on Guam, evades capture, but only narrowly due to one of these priest's complicity w/Japanese occupation forces. Clearly reveals a pro-Axis sympathy on the part of these "clergy."

Now: here's the new material:

February 22, 1944: Gandhi wife, aide die in British prison; Gandhi and his closest followers have been detained by the British for months, due to his activity to gain Indian independence;

May 6, 1944--Gandhi released from prison permanently. British are afraid he might die, since he is in poor health.

February 22, 1944--Bose, Axis propagandist and INA leader, makes speech bemoaning death of Gandhi associate.

(October 23: Japan gives control of Indian offshore Andaman and Nicobar Islands to INA; October 25, INA, already at war w/Russia, declares war on US, Britain).

March, 1944--Bose visits Burma

June 20, 1944--Bose sends telegram to Adolf Hitler.

July 7, 1944--Bose makes a speech on radio about how, in the intervening weeks since February 22, he has visited, among other places, the newly "independent" and ruled by INA, Andaman and Nicobar Islands. In this speech, he comments that he has been "following" Gandhi's state of health for "several weeks" since Gandhi's release from British prison in India. Talks of how there are "friends of Indian independence" in US and Britain.

July 9, 1944--Bose makes another speech, rebroadcast and reprinted/reworded at least twice by the Japanese, in which he says the INA has learned from its recent failed offensive into India. Amongother things, he says he has been "heartened" to learn that "enemy soldiers can come over to our side" and that arrangements must be made to increase this. In the July 7 speech, he'd indicated a sense of disbelief that the friends of Indian independence had much influence; now, his whole mood is more upbeat; he is now, he says, "broadcasting from Rangoon", rather than Singapore--a move in the direction of India. Further, he says, he and his allies the Japanese have "captured enemy documents".

Tojo resigned, June 21.

The Schellenberg plot to kill Hitler, June 20, 1944 (working, we now know, with Dulles, due to his attempt to kill Hitler and replace him with a new government with which he could negotiate his illegal settlement with the Axis; and, again, all the wheeling and dealing he was doing with the Axis via Vatican couriers, including some Knights of Malta and Red Cross couriers; those fake "priests" on Guam become interesting, as doe sthe fact that Standard Oil VP Richard Larkin was a Knight of Malta,and an associate of Allen Dulles, who was Prescott Bush's attorney throughout the War and afterward.

So--all these dates match up. The "independent" Andaman/Nicobar Islands were of interest, since they'd declared war on Russia first, before they ever did on US and Britain, via their INA rulers. Now, in March to June, 1944, there is Bose, topnotch diplomat and spokesman for the Axis and the INA, "go between" par excellence, right in the time-frame when such "neutral" places would have been useful stopover points for a Standard Oil tanker out of "neutral" Saudi Arabia, through the Persian Gulf, Indian Ocean, to the "neutral" Nicobars, then on to "neutral" Thailand, where it could be unloaded by Japanese work crews and its cargo delivered into either Burma or Malaya.

This whole thing, just looks increasingly likely all the time. Thomas Dewey has chosen, as of summer 1944, as his VP running-mate against FDR in the upcoming 1944 Pres. election John Bricker, ultra-right-wing candidate, favorite of Isolationist America First party and leading anti-Semite, Gerald L.K. Smith (who was investigated by the FBI for his Nazi-entertaining activities during the War). Perhaps Dewey was never apprised of Dulles/Forrestal/Standard Oil's efforts to arrange this diplomatic coup for him to be dumped into his lap during the '44 campaign, could it have been worked out.

These were some busy little bees! So much for the myth that there were no negotiations with the enemy during World War 2! Despite FDR's official line, it's clear that there were all kinds of folks engaged in under-the-table talks, and totally without his sanction. All kinds of couriers running around for the Axis during the summer of '44, too. Fake Bishop Cikota sent by Dulles and the Vatican to Japanese-occupied

Manchuria with tons of Dulles illegal money from the Third Reich. Vatican couriers carrying messages to the Germans about US troop movements; Dulles warning the Germans not to use radios, thereby alerting them and allowing them to surprise Allied forces at the Battle of the Bulge (which was such a surprise to us because there were no radio intercepts of the German plans for that counteroffensive).

A key difference between Reagan and Bush here was that, in 1944, Reagan was a Democrat. He had no involvement in this stuff. But, if my thinking is more or less correct here, Bush would have been blown out of the water politically, by its exposure. No wonder he got rid of Haig in thewake of Reagan's shooting and hospitalization by Hinckley, a man whom Tarpley and Chaitkin note had some interesting possible connections with US intelligence (via his father) and with the Bush family itself had ties (first stated, then denied by Bush family and in-laws shortly after the Reagan shooting.

Bowen, Russell S. The Immaculate Deception: The Bush Crime Family Exposed. Carson City, NV: America West, 1991. 165-6: Newly-significant data on how Dukakis campaign was set up by a group of Florida and Illinois bankers to get BCCI money--which was then investigated by Reagan/Bush Administration/operatives, who were actually even more deeply involved, in order to cut off funding for Dukakis TV ads in last weeks of 1988 after the Columbus Day raid. Bowen also reveals, (76-80) in his section on the October Surprise, an update on the supposed discrediting of the theory via the discovery of credit card receipts of Richard Brenneke during the time frame when he claimed to be flying to Paris meetings with the Iranians. Subsequent investigation by Barbara Honnegar (author of October Surprise. NY: Tudor. 1989) invalidated the claim these were Brenneke's credit card receipts when Franke Snepp, the reporter, was unwilling to produce them for examination. In addition, Bowen lists the several contradictory stories Bush has given as to where he was that weekend of October 19, 1980:

1. at a suburban country club outside Washington, DC (based on heavily-censored Secret Service records showing where Bush's Secret Service entourage stayed, obtained by PBS TV's Frontline program and which make no mention of Bush);

2. at home writing a speech, giving it, then returning at 9 p.m. (according to a Washington Times story);

3. had lunch with Supreme Court Justice Potter Steward and his wife (according to the Wall Street Journal's L. Gordon Crovitz).

Like Bush's varying versions of events in World War II, (Chi Chi Jima: was his plane on fire or not? were there Japanese planes in the air or not? were both crewmen already dead when he bailed out, or did one try to bail out, too? was his the only chute that opened? what angle did he dive from? These details can be important in trying to determine if Bush is distorting his activity over Chi Chi Jima in order to cover up the fact that he didn't know how to water land an aircraft and never had, as he alleges he did off Guam. Guam/Marianas: what ships were involved in his rescue? how many? how long was he gone? was he picked up separately from Delaney?) Bush, his apologists and his biographers give varying accounts on so many important points. Why does no one know?

Bower, Tom. Maxwell the Outsider. New York: 1992, Viking. xiii-xv; 274-83; 343-6; 442-3; 460-65; 470-507. Interesting data on Maxwell's body and the state in which it was found; also interesting correlation of dates of some of Maxwell's buyouts and activities and the ongoing political climates at the times.

---------. Maxwell, The Final Verdict. New York: 1996. 1-8; 301-7; 310-13; 316-21; 323-4; 343-6; 363-74. More interesting data on Maxwell's death and his many ties to world intelligence communities. More interesting dates and events that correlate well with the political pressures Bush would be under during various election years.

In the case of both of these books, Bower comes across as perhaps a bit too tough on Maxwell (he goes into too much gory detail in describing the 1991 autopsy, isn't at all sensitive in his treatment of the widow Betty and daughter Ghislaine during the 1991 funeral arrangements, virtually accuses his sons of being incompetents in Outsider, then backtracks on this charge in order to further insult Maxwell, implying unfairness to his sons in Final Verdict). Maxwell, hisattorneys and sons attempting to keep Bower's books from publication, were only successful in Britain, which has somewhat different libel laws.

This in itself, however, may reveal that Maxwell had experienced some degree of pre-publication harassment himself and was attempting to apply the same methods to his own critics. 1987: going into the 1988 Presidential election, Maxwell is attempting to buy out the Daily News. That publication folded, but not immediately. There was still some potential for an exposť to run there. By 1988, he was trying unsuccessfullyto buy into American publishers HBJ and New York Post.

Brown, Judith M. Gandhi: Prisoner of Hope. New Haven, CT: Yale UP, 1989. 343-6. General info. about Gandhi, esp. his 1944 activities while Bose was active in INA in Burma and Andaman Islands.

Butow, Robert J. C. Japan's Decision to Surrender. Hoover Library Pub. 24. Stanford, CA: Stanford UP,1954. 20-21; 26-27.51-54.

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