TOJO OUT: The Mysterious Japanese Cabinet Shuffle of July, 1944
The month of July, 1944, was an interesting and, today, suspicious looking, month. During the late summer and early fall of 1944, OSS Switzerland station chief Allen Dulles was involved in secret and illegal "negotiations" with Nazi commanders in Europe for a "separate peace" with the Axis unbeknownst to FDR (Loftus and Aarons 157-8 and 350-70). And during this same month, there was a mysterious reshuffling of the Japanese Cabinet (Butow 431). During this same month, Dulles was working with German resistance groups, including Klaus von Stauffenberg, to assassinate Adolf Hitler (Grose 194-5). Also during this month, Standard Oil had renewed oil shipments to proFascist neutral nations, including Spain and Thailand (Higham 58-62).
The Japanese Cabinet shake-up happened in the aftermath of the U.S. invasion of the Marianas. During this campaign, former President George Bush may have been "out of pocket" for as much as 48 hours (Hyams 82-91). My research suggests that former President George Bush had a connection to this Japanese Cabinet shakeup in World War II. During the course of this Marianas campaign, in this same month of July, Secretary of the Navy James Forrestal was seen on Saipan at a time when his diary was silent as to where he was (Devine 44-57).
A reinforcing Japanese army had arrived on Guam in March, 1944. But the Japanese overall commander in the Marianas, Lt. Gen. Obata, was stranded on Guam when the U.S. invasion "caught him returning from an inspection tour of the Palau Islands." (Carano 295). Normally, Obata would have been stationed on Saipan, but, since he was now stranded on Guam instead, U.S. intelligence, including the OSS, would probably have learned of this. Honneggar postulates that an FBI memorandum from J. Edgar Hoover pertaining to "George Bush of the CIA" in 1963 proves Bush may have already been an intelligence agent much earlier than had ever been thought, or than he's ever admitted (229-44). If Bush's intelligence community membership also existed during this time, it would have allowed him to also have been privy to this information as well, as a naval photographer.
Dulles was very active in Europe at this time in trying to help arrange the assassination of Adolf Hitler.(Grose (194-5). His code name for the collection of groups attempting this was valkyrie, "the Wagnerian label the plotters used for themselves." (Grose 194). Early in April of 1944, two couriers had brought to Dulles's attention that a conservative group was considering killing Hitler and entering into negotiations with the Allies. Their condition included a cease-fire with the Allies and continuation of the German war with Russia. But their message "put Allen in a dangerous position. It amounted to yet another attempt to evade the policy of unconditional surrender and gain favorable terms from the Western allies. Indeed, throughout these tense months Allen was being pressured by his German contacts to help them open political contacts with the West that would exclude Russia." (Grose, 195-6). Due to a chain of events in Europe, "by June a negotiated peace seemed finally hopeless." (Grose 197).
However, in July, Abwehr courier Captain Theodor Strunk arrived in Switzerland bearing full details of a plan for Col. Claus Schenk von Stauffenberg of the General Staff to assassinate Hitler in the days immediately to come (Grose 198). Stauffenberg had worked out a plan whereby he would have a bomb in a briefcase placed near Hitler (Grose 198). Six days later, July 11, 1944, Stauffenberg tried for the first time, having to call off the attempt when Hitler postponed the meeting at which the bomb would have been present. Stauffenberg tried again on July 16 (Grose 198). But Hitler and Goering failed to show up this time. Previous to the latter attempt, according to Grose (198), Dulles had told the plotters "this is our last chance to prove that the German people themselves will kill Hitler." At 4:00 p.m. July 20, 1944, Dulles received a phone call at his headquarters in Switzerland telling him of the bomb in Stauffenberg's briefcase had exploded. The attempt had been made on Hitler's life (Grose 199).
In reviewing this period of time, Grose mentions that Dulles and others later learned that "Stauffenberg himself was far more tolerant of the Soviet Union than were the conservative German nationalists. The quip at the time was that he sought to replace 'national socialism' with 'national bolshevism (201)."' But what keeps occurring to me now, in light of the new information on Dulles's secret attempts to keep Central Europe free of Soviet forces and to continue the German-Russian war and also smuggle his wealth out of the Axis nations before second world war ended, is how Dulles may himself have been instrumental in the betrayal of Stauffenberg's plot, since Stauffenberg was "more tolerant of the Soviet Union" than other plotters Dulles was in communication with. After all, Dulles had worked hard to get his wealth out. He wouldn't have wanted to take any chances about getting it out safely.
So on the same July 20 when Secretary of the Navy Forrestal was getting ready for his trip to Guam, (and then, Saipan), to destroy George Bush's plane, Dulles was working to achieve his illegal "separate peace" in Europe. At the same time, Dulles was working with the Japanese, as well, attempting to negotiate a way out for his wealth in Germany into Japanese-occupied Manchuria via the fake "Bishop" Cikota, whom he and the Vatican arranged to have flown to Manchuria with some of Dulles's wealth in 1944 (Loftus and Aarons 63-80).
During this same period of time, from April 1944 throughout the summer, Chiang Kai Shek was secretly negotiating with the Japanese during their Ichigo Offensive in Northern China (Bagby 123-37). Also during this time, Loftus and Aarons also tell us that Dulles was engaged in "machinations" with neutral (but leaning to Japan) Thailand (Loftus and Aarons 111). And Chiang and the Far Right in America were upset, that June and July, with FDR.First he had sent Vice-President Henry Wallace (whom the Far Right in the U.S. already regarded as a "socialist" or a "communist") to China to pressure Chiang to open up a "dialog" with Chinese Communist leader Mao tse Tung. Then, in July, according to R. Harris Smith the "Dixie Mission" of U.S. military personnel was sent directly to Mao Tse Tung to assist him against the Japanese (263). That visit resulted in the first U.S. arms and ammunition being air dropped to Mao that same July. That set off a fire storm among the Far Right in the U.S., not to mention Chungking (Smith 263-5).
An additional piece must be added to the puzzle. On May 2, 1944, the Roosevelt Administration had caved in to pressure from the Big Oil lobby and once again was allowing Standard Oil to sell oil to Fascist Spain (Higham 35-6). Prescott Bush was an active partner in Standard's affiliates (Bowen 2-11). Since Spain was "neutral" technically, Standard claimed this was within its rights. However, all evidence showed that virtually all oil sent to Spain went directly to Germany via the port of Hamburg (Higham 35-6). This city in Germany was familiar to Prescott Bush, former owner and manager of the "Hamburg-Amerika" Shipping Line (Tarpley and Chaitkin 32-40). Hamburg-Amerika itself engaged in "the most serious acts of treason in this century," including giving free rides to Nazi ideologues to US meetings of eugenics "racial purification" groups of which Prescott was a member (Tarpley and Chaitkin 32-40). Dulles was an attorney for Standard Oil (Loftus and Aarons, 63-80). He also must have been aware of this useful new development in the oil trade. It was very conveniently timed. This same bending in the rules now allowed Standard to not only ship oil to Spain but to Thailand, as well.
Dulles's OSS was now aware that the top Japanese commander in the Marianas was on Guam instead of Saipan. They were also aware that Chiang Kai Shek was miffed with Roosevelt and was negotiating with the Japanese and betraying his own generals and troops in the field to prevent any possible future coup against him (Bagby 134). They knew that German groups were trying to kill Hitler and negotiate with Dulles behind FDR's back. And they also knew that the Vatican was willing to help Dulles sneak his gold out of German-occupied Europe in return for his cooperation in arranging a negotiated peace that would keep Soviet troops out of the area.
Now comes the final piece of the puzzle. The various pressures building against the Japanese Minister Tojo came rapidly to a head as a result of the blows being landed by American forces in the Pacific (Butow 431). Anxiety with the war effort led to dissent within the Japanese Cabinet during this time (Butow 431). U.S. planes were now hitting Japan from airbases in China (Butow 431). However, these airbases were destroyed in a successful Japanese counteroffensive called the Ichigo Offensive, which succeeded in part because of secret negotiations with Chiang Kai Shek (Bagby 133-4).As a result of these negotiations, Chiang betrayed his own troops and generals in the field against the troops in this Japanese offensive (Bagby 134).
With the U.S. landings in the Marianas, Saipan became available for U.S. planes to bomb Japan
from (Butow 431-2). This rendered nil the gains from the Ichigo Offensive in capturing the China
airbases. Now Tokyo itself could be bombed. Though their friend Forrestal consistently argued
against the bombing of Japan, (Loftus and Aarons 156-8; Devine 50-1; Bergamini 57; Feis 15),
FDR insisted that this be done. Since negotiations with Chiang had worked, perhaps they could
also work with factions within the U.S. intelligence community. Dulles was already in
communication with Japan about his Operation Sunrise negotiations (Loftus and Aarons 63-80).
And he was also in communication with Japanese-occupied Manchuria regarding his attempts to
sneak his gold there, out of the Nazi-occupied areas of Europe (Loftus and Aarons 63-80). And
while Stauffenberg's attempts to kill Hitler had failed, this had been only one of several
predecessors, and several more were likely in the future. These could probably have been carried
out by groups more palatable to Dulles, such as the "White Rose," a group of German
conservatives not at all sympathetic with the Soviets, much more to Dulles's liking.(1)
So Dulles was "feeling his oats." He felt that, with Standard able to pressure FDR to allow them to again sell oil to "neutral" Spain and Thailand, his negotiating hand was now strengthened on several fronts. Meanwhile, Butow notes (432), Tojo was fighting for his political life as a "hawk" in Japan, arguing against the Cabinet shuffle strongly being suggested by senior statesmen (Butow 432). He attempted to strengthen his Cabinet via another reorganization. "On July 13, 1944, [Tojo] called on the Lord Privy seal, Marquis Kido, to decree this situation. To the Premier's surprise, the privy seal proposed three conditions which Tojo interpreted as reflecting the views of the senior statesmen, who had become more active in their opposition to the Cabinet since the beginning of July...In practical terms...Tojo was...advised to step out as Army chief of staff and to obtain [Minister] Shimada's resignation as navy Minister. ..the third [condition] was the most difficult..[it] involved obtaining the voluntary resignations of Cabinet members as well as the acceptance of Cabinet appointments by one or more of the ex-Premiers...On the evening of July 17, 1944, as Tojo was still trying to reorganize his Cabinet, the ex-premiers assembled at the house of Baron Hiramura and there adopted a resolution calling for a 'united front cabinet."' (Butow 432-3).
Confronted with this vote of no confidence the next morning, Tojo resigned. He was later censured by the Cabinet on charges of misusing Army funds for personal political gain and buying influence.(Butow 434). The senior statesmen, including members of the imperial household ministry and the board of chamberlains, were said to have received presents of Western clothing, tobacco and whisky purloined from the occupied areas of the south (Butow 434). It is clear from Butow that Tojo was still a "hawk," although he was now out of power, since He still occasionally communicated with the Emperor, asserting that there was still hope that Japan could win the war (Butow 440-2).
One of the ministers who replaced Tojo had a conference with the Emperor on February 12, 1945, where he was encouraged to air his views (Butow 442). It is clear from Butow's description of Konoe's views that he was more dovish than Tojo had been (Butow 440-2). Konoe bluntly said he believed Japan had already lost the war and that unless hostilities were ended soon, defeat might be accompanied by a Communist revolution (Butow 440-2).
It is also clear from Edwin Hoyt's description of General Obata's position as head commander of Japanese forces in the Marianas, that he was in near-direct communication with the Emperor himself. Obata committed suicide once he realized he had failed in his mission to deny the Marianas to the United States as airbases from which to attack Japan proper. However, he didn't die until August 18, 1944. Up until that time, he was in direct communication with the emperor (Hoyt 275). This shows that the latter could have known of the visit of a Standard Oil/Allen Dulles OSS courier (George Bush?) to Guam on June 19, 1944 almost as soon as it happened.
Blum tells us that Vice-President Henry Wallace visited Siberia and northern China from May 23, 1944 until June 17, 1944.(2)² On June 20, 1944 Wallace arrived in Chungking to communicate with Chiang Kai Shek about improving relations with Mao. At almost exactly the same time, another "courier" (George Bush) seems to have been out of pocket off Japanese-held Guam.
Wallace stayed in Chungking for three days (Bagby 107-11). By the time he arrived back home, the GOP convention had begun. In June, 1944, Wilkie, the moderate candidate, had lost to Dewey and Bricker, who were nominated the night of June 28. With their nominations, the GOP had clearly decided to pursue a policy of rigid anti-Communism, embracing, in all but official public declarations, Dulles's efforts to turn World War 2 into a negotiated settlement and cease-fire with the Axis and a mutual alliance with them in a continuing war against Russia.
So a sequence of events begins to unwind, culminating with the resignation of Premier Tojo, a hawk and his replacement with more dovish ministers. Again, almost simultaneously, Schellenberg, in Germany was attempting to assassinate Hitler with a bomb, in a plot that may have been betrayed by German conservatives and possibly Dulles himself due to Schellenberg's softness on the "red" question.
Such top secret and top level machinations would suggest why Fred Goerner in his searches around the island of Saipan in 1960 for information on "Amelia Earhart's plane" was followed around by three men who were possible CIA agents (143). In 1960, Saipan was very much under CIA control, and the CIA was very much under Allen Dulles's control. When Goerner confronted the U.S. intelligence officer in San Francisco, Fred Winter, about this "tail," he denied he had authorized it. Nevertheless, he said he would "look into it," and after he did so, the tail stopped (Goerner 142-4). He also told Goerner he didn't think the tail was composed of Communist agents bent on learning more about CIA ops on Saipan, because "They would go about it differently (143)."
Also, according to Thomas Devine, Lt. Commander Leroy Hippe on Guam told him that 22 tons of captured Japanese records were taken off the island of Saipan by the U.S. Navy in 1944 and '45, with most of them never microfilmed or even interpreted (Devine 58). He also said that Hippe told him that they were probably taken to the U.S., probably to the San Francisco area (Devine 58). Devine later learned that these Japanese Saipan records were returned to Japan in 1958, after having been "closely examined before they were released."(Devine 84).
In July, 1944, Thomas Devine was stationed on Saipan. He says that he saw Secretary of the Navy James Forrestal on Saipan on the first night the airfield there became usable to U.S. aircraft, having just flown into Saipan from a "nearby island," three aircraft, two single engine and one twin engine, and then had participated in blowing one of them up (Devine 39-42).
Devine notes that one of the three planes he saw lacked military markings and he "remembers" this as the twin-engine plane (39-42). However, Goerner notes that Devine was slightly incorrect in his recollections as to exactly where a particular graveyard on Saipan was in relation to the airfield on Saipan (280-300). So it could be that one of the single engine aircraft was the one without military markings. Devine may have remembered it the other way because that more neatly fit with the only "conspiracy theory" he was familiar with regarding Saipan, that of Amelia Earhart's plane. (See also "Amelia Earhart's Plane" in the present book.)
Loftus and Aarons show us repeatedly how Forrestal was a partner with Allen Dulles in Standard Oil and its treasonous activities during World War 2 (See for example, Loftus and Aarons, 157, 158, 350-70). They also reveal how he knew and approved of Dulles's secret and illegal efforts to negotiate with the Axis behind FDR's back, sneak out his wealth, (gained from helping Hitler build and operate his Third Reich), from Nazi-occupied Europe before it was occupied by the Soviets (Loftus and Aarons 156-8; 350-70). They also reveal that he acted as a "mole" in the Truman Administration in 1947 in efforts by the GOP to prevent the creation of the state of Israel (Loftus and Aarons 176-8; 212). And they show that Forrestal knew of and helped cover up Nelson Rockefeller's treason during World War 2 (Loftus and Aarons, 157-8; 165-71; 350-70). Given all this, why would he not have also been willing to cover up an effort by Dulles to negotiate and trade with the Axis? This would be especially true if this involved his own company, Standard Oil, being able to make big money on the deal.
The final pieces of the puzzle involve Burma and Thailand, and the Japanese administration in these areas. We learn that the famous Kwai Railroad was completed in 1944 (Bagby 95). This allowed the Japanese to receive shipments of oil direct from the coast of Thailand into Burma via this railroad.
According to Paul Boller in Presidential Campaigns (New York: Oxford UP, 1985, 260-2), Dewey had constantly harped on the theme that FDR was a "Communist" because of his insistence on America's alliance with Soviet Russia against the Axis. This position was, of course, more amenable to the needs of Allen Dulles and his ilk at that point in the war than that of FDR. The temptation must have been powerful for Dulles to have attempted to get in the good graces of Dewey by giving him the "coup" of the death of Hitler and an opportunity for a fast peace with a newly reconstituted Axis, achieved through Dulles's machinations, assassinations and illegal negotiations with the Axis, as discussed above.
Dewey himself was so fanatic about using the issue of "patriotism" against a sitting President that
he himself stretched National Security policy to the limit in revealing sensitive code information
about the days going into Pearl Harbor.(3)
Boller notes that, by September of 1944, U.S. General George Marshal had to intervene through his personal aide Carter W. Clarke, to prevent Dewey's usage of that sensitive information, which could have provided powerful clues to the Japanese as to US codes then still in use in the Pacific War and caused additional US casualties in the Pacific War. Dewey had only reluctantly, after powerful pressure from Marshall, agreed to not use that material (Boller 260-2).
That same Thomas Dewey, in July of that same 1944 was running for President of the United
States against Franklin Roosevelt.
Bagby, Wesley; Marvin. The Eagle-Dragon Alliance: America's Relations With China in World War II. Cranbury, NJ: Associated UP, 1992
Bellant, Russ. Old Nazis, the New Right and the Republican Party (original title: Old Nazis, the New Right and the Reagan Administration). Boston: South End, 1991.
Behr, Edward. Hirohito: Behind the Myth. New York: Vintage, 1990. 237-9; 269-71; 272-81; 345-53; 377-79. Useful insights into the Japanese intrigues of summer, 1944. This proves especially valuable alongside another unexpectedly productive source, David Bergamini's Japan's Imperial Conspiracy (cited in more detail below). One important insight gained from Bergamini's detailed and careful analysis of a wide array of sources, including those in Japanese, (which he and Behr have spared me the time and trouble of translating), is the major difference in approach of Emperor Hirohito of Japan to negotiations with the West versus that of Hitler.
In order to open a diplomatic offensive with the West, Germans were forced repeatedly to have to find some way to literally do away with Hitler. His intransigent position on negotiations left no alternative. Negotiation,
said Hitler, was treason---as he so vociferously had argued in his taking
power, when one of his key arguments that had roused wishful-thinking-based
German ire had been that Germany's WW1 forces had been "defeated at the
peace table, not on the battlefield".
Not so clear-cut at all was Hirohito's position. As Bergamini makes clear
time and again, Hirohito backed numerous "peace feelers" right up to the
end of the War. Finally concluding the cause was lost in the wake of Chief
of Staff Sugiyama's bleak report to him on the overall Pacific War
situation of August 1943, Hirohito commissioned one more definitive,
exhaustive study by his military of any military options left. This,
according to Bergamini and his sources (990), was "completed by the end of
the year" and were even "more bleak than Sugiyama's preliminary findings
Thereafter, Hirohito was active in commissioning peace talks, peace
feelers and all kinds of machinations to achieve some negotiated settlement
with Chiang, Britain and the US, including using Bulgarian and Russian
contacts (Bergamini 991).
On page 994, however, Bergamini brings clearly to the readers' awareness
the vast difference in approach between the Hitler regime and that of Hirohito as to peace negotiators. Involved in all kinds of ostensibly "unofficial" peace groups himself, the Emperor had a Right-winger named Nakano Seigo done away with when the latter attempted to break up what he was interpreting as unauthorized peace planning in the Court by October 27, 1943. Though this Right-winger's group plotted to assassinate Lord Privy Seal Kido and even Tojo for their by-then-revealed peace plans, Hirohito would have none of this (since he himself was in on it!). Instead of killing the "peace mongers" as was regularly done in HItler's Germany at that time, Hirohito, instead, did away with the hawks. (In contrast, in the same time-frame, Hitler was killing the doves.)
A number of other instances cited in both Behr and Bergamini strongly
reinforce the notion that both Hirohito and Tojo were actively pursuing peace negotiations with the West by mid-1944.
Bergamini, David. Japan's Imperial Conspiracy. NewYork: William Morrow, 1971. xxxiii; 72; 727-29; 840-1; 853-6; 884-7; 905; 907-11; 913-16; 920; 934-9; 944-7; 959; 960-3; 966-73 982-6; 989-991 fn [refers to Japan's "Bulgarian contact" with America of 1943; 992-7; 1004-9; 1012-14; 1048 fn; Glossary 1103-4. This source about Japan has several interesting things including: a reference to State Department documents about Japanese contacts with the OSS in Switzerland. That was Allen Dulles's base when he was a station chief for the OSS. Extremely intriguing and further confirmation of the material such as Tarpley and Chaitkin, Higham, and Loftus and Aarons, among others, have unearthed about Dulles. Also refers to how Hirohito made speeches in 1941, shortly after Pearl Harbor, in which he talked about Japan's "friends in American capital" and there are direct references to the documents that those speeches are in. More about letters between Dulles and the Japanese who he got off the hook for war crimes and back into the Japanese government in 1945-7.
Blum, John M., ed. The Price of Vision: The Diaries of Henry A. Wallace, 1942-46. Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 1973.
Boller, Paul F. Presidential Campaigns. New York: Oxford UP, 1985.
Bowen, Brig. Gen. Russell S. The Immaculate Deception: The Bush Crime Family
Exposed. Carson City, NV: America West, 1991.
Butow, Robert J. C. Tojo and the Coming of the War. Stanford: UP, 1961.
Carano, Paul. Complete History of Guam. Rutland: Tuttle, 1964.
Devine, Thomas E. Eyewitness: The Amelia Earhart Incident. Frederick, Colo: Renaissance House, 1987.
Goerner, Fred. The Search for Amelia Earhart. New York: Doubleday, 1966
Grose, Peter. Gentleman Spy: The Life of Allen Dulles. Amherst: UP, 1994.
Higham, Charles. Trading with the Enemy: An Expos of the Nazi-American Money Plot,
1933-1947. New York: Delacorte, 1983.
Honneggar, Barbara. October Surprise. New York: Tudor, 1989.
Hoyt, Edwin P. To the Marianas: War in the Central Pacific, 1944. New York: Avon,
Hughes, Terry and John Costello. The Battle of the Atlantic. New York: Dial, 1977.
Hyams, Joe. Flight of the Avenger: George Bush at War. New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jaconovich, 1991
Loftus, John and Mark Aarons. The Secret War Against the Jews: How Western
Espionage Betrayed the Jewish People. New York: St. Martin's, 1994.
Simpson, Christopher. Blowback: America's Recruitment of Nazis and Its Effects on the
Cold War. New York: Delacorte, 1988.
Tarpley, Webster Griffin, and Anton Chaitkin. The Unauthorized Biography of George Bush. New York: Executive Intelligence Review/Ben Franklin, 1991.
(Note: The reader may also wish to refer to the following for more details and information about activities that went on during that period of time from the Spring through November of 1944):
Alfange, Dean. The Case Against Dewey. (S.L.): Alfange, 1944. 3; 13;14; 18; 19; 20. Includes interesting references to Dewey's political connections to Colonel McCormick, whose isolationist articles in the Chicago Tribune "exposed" FDR's "war plans" on December 4, 1941 and prevented him from declaring war on Hitler after Pearl Harbor. (See reference in Hughes and Costello, above.)
Clarke, Carter W. Statement for the Record of the Participation of Brigadier General Carter W. Clarke, GSC, In the Transmittal of Letters from General George C. Marshall to Governor Thomas E. Dewey, The Latter Part of September, 1944. (S.L.: SN). 1944.
G.O.P. Chooses Dewey. New York: Pathe News, (1944), 1960-9. (Newsreel- audiovisual).
Thompson, Dorothy. In Support of the President: November 6, 1944. Stanford, CT: Overbrook,
1. 2. 3.
1.0 See At the Heart of the White Rose: The Letters of Hans and Sophie Scholl (Inge Jens, ed. , New York: Harper and Row, 1984), for a complete picture of the political position of most White Rose participants. An interesting sidelight here, also, is what Honnegar notes in her chapter "The Name of the Rose." She points out how the phrase "White Rose" seems to have been important to the group of rogue intelligence agents and organized crime individuals, including the outlawed fascist underground P-2 organization, with whom Bush worked closely in arranging the "October Surprise" operation which resulted in the detaining of U.S. embassy personnel in Tehran during the 1980 election. (See also "White Rose: Arranging An 'October Surprise,'" in the present book.) Many of the individuals in the group, including Philip Guarino and William Casey, were old World War 2 intelligence hands with long-time connections to Bush from those days of Dulles's machinations with the "White Rose" groups in Germany.
2.0 ² See also: Walker, J. Samuel. Henry Wallace and American Foreign Policy.( Westwood, CT: Greenwood, 1976, 107-10 ), for details on Wallace's conversations in Siberia with Averell Harriman, U.S. Ambassador to Russia, about Stalin's views regarding the Kuomintang versus the Communists in China (Stalin favored the former, surprisingly).
3.0 Also in material which is powerful with regard to this point, Smith comments about Robert Yardley, a code-breaker for Chiang kai Shek's police chief and general Tai Li, a publicly-professed admirer of Heinrich Himmler (245-6). He says that, going into World War 2, Yardley had been such a code-breaker for Tai Li and, after 1941, was in Canada, also as a code-breaker (Smith 245-6).
At that point, Dewey recommended Yardley for usage by the OSS. But OSS head Donovan had refused to meet with him because Army intelligence had advised him that Yardley was a security risk. Shortly after, Yardley was also dismissed by the Canadian government, reportedly at the personal insistence of Churchill (Smith 245-8).
Bagby 95: "By early 1944, the British Navy had halted Japanese shipping to Burma, an
accomplishment the Japanese partly offset by completing a railway from Thailand (across the
River Kwai)." Here, Bagby powerfully suggests that Standard Oil pressures on the Roosevelt
Administration in May of 1944 (Higham 26-42), which culminated in the allowance of Standard's
trade with "neutral" nations such as Spain and Thailand did, in fact, have potential in Thailand, as
well, since a neutral nation couldn't be blockaded by the British fleet without Allied government
approval via a boycott. The removal of the ban on Standard's oil shipments to Fascist leaning
"neutral" countries of May, 1944, in effect, removed this boycott possibility. The bridge's crossing
of "neutral" Thailand is a powerful hint that plans were afoot by early 1944 for shipments to arrive
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