Fred Haobsch's Iraq-gate Charges

Fred Haobsch was a contract agent for the Central Intelligence Agency. He was in and out of the agency several times. But, as he comments in Alan Friedman (}{\plain \f1 260-6), once CIA, always CIA. Each time he left the agency, he was terrorized by hidden stalkers and vandals, who made late night calls, cruised by in vehicles, made threatening phone calls, broke into his home, vandalized, stole and finally totally destroyed his cars--all done in ways which could not be readily traced, until an Atlanta police officer was able to trace the license-place number of one of the terrorist vehicles to be that of a military employee of the Defense Intelligence Agency who was based in Fort McPherson, Georgia (Friedman 176-84; 260-6).

This shows that the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) was in on the terrorism, vandalism, burglary and theft against Fred Haobsch, former CIA agent. A former CIA agent told Friedman the terror campaign against Haobsch was done in the manner of "classic psy-ops"--psychological warfare specialists who are, in fact, trained at Fort McPherson, Georgia. (Friedman 176-84; 260-6).

Haobsch tried several times to work with the CIA, but each time left for basically the same reason: his superiors at the agency always ended up wanting him to engage in essentially illegal operations without any written authorization. But until 1991, Haobsch had left the agency only temporarily, for periods of time. But in January, 1991, Haobsch was given an assignment so bizarre, so illegal, and so treasonous that it would basically have been subject to the federal charge of sedition. He was told to make arrangements for United States missile deliveries to Iraq during the Gulf War (Friedman 177, 181-2).

That is, while U.S. military forces were actively engaged in hostilities with, and under fire from, Iraqi forces, Haobsch was ordered to actively resupply those same Iraqi forces. This was an act of treason by any definition of the term. And he was told to do this by his superiors at the Central Intelligence Agency (Friedman 177-83).

At this point, Haobsch demanded some type of written authorization before proceeding. This was denied to him by his superiors. Haobsch could not receive the reassurance from his superiors that they were asking him to deliver defective weapons to Iraq. Such a delivery of defective weapons would have eased Haobsch's mind about his superiors' loyalty to the United States in the Gulf War. This, it seems clear now, was because they were involved in the Reagan/Bush Administration's "tilt" in favor of Iraq, a project which was convenient and money-making for Bush's petrochemical conglomerates (Friedman 4-7, 15, 19, 25).

Above all, however, Haobsch was concerned that he himself would be prosecuted for illegal activities should this be discovered. He could not receive his CIA superiors' reassurance that, should the shipment be found out, he wouldn't be prosecuted for treason or sedition. It was at this point that Haobsch resigned, permanently, from the CIA--and that the CIA's terror campaign to pressure him to rejoin the Agency began (Friedman 260-6).

Under the Armstrong v. Executive Office of the President case, evidence could have been unearthed which would have proven that Haobsch's superiors--however high up--were willing to resupply Saddam's forces even while they were killing American GI's.

This case, at the time of Friedman's Spider's Web going to press in mid-1993, seemed to be about to break, as the new Clinton administration took office (Friedman 271-87).

Clinton was apparently determined to "get to the bottom" of the "Iraq-gate" scandal, as these treacherous acts by high-level persons came to be called (Friedman 279-87).

However, events soon overwhelmed Clinton. First, he found he had difficulty naming a new Attorney General who would be approved by the Congress. Clinton was also intimidated by the fact that he was a minority President, not that different in terms of numbers of popular votes to his arch-nemesis Richard Nixon, whom he had helped to bring down as a part of the Watergate investigation. Nixon had been elected originally in 1968 with a similar margin to that which Clinton won by in 1992--a fact that columnists and conservative critics of Clinton in the media were quick to point out.

When the Congress refused to support his appointee, Zoe Baird, he backed away from her to name the more conservative Janet Reno. However, this was only after a period of limbo in which several other women's names were bandied about.("Chronology," World Almanac for 1995.

By the beginning of 1994, when Reno finally began to take control at Justice, the 1994 Congressional elections loomed. Clinton tried to focus on Iraq-gate as one of the issues, as he and third party candidate Ross Perot had in 1992. However, because little progress had been made in the investigation, due to the lost time in naming the new Attorney General, Iraq-gate had little new impetus, especially politically. Statutes of limitations also began to expire on some charges, even as Reno tried to build her case.

Then, in November, 1994, the Republican Party won control of the United States Congress. I quickly got the impression that, while many of the new GOP Congresspersons didn't see themselves as beholden to Bush, nevertheless it was not in their interests to unnecessarily embarass a fellow party member. This meant, in practical effect, that unless Clinton could come up with something overwhelming, there was little prospect of a Congressional investigation. Thus, the matter came to rest with Reno's Justice Department alone.

Realizing he had to work with a Republican-controlled Congress, Clinton sought to build bridges with the new members by going slow on the embarassing Iraq-gate issue. The new Administration was no doubt hoping that by slowly building the case with as much media exposure as possible, the new members would feel freer to appear to be an "honest new wave" of GOP. This might gradually free them up enough to support an "honesty in government" approach that would facilitate Congressional hearings into Iraq-gate.

As the result of such Congressional and political pressures, the Clinton Administration's case against the Bush Administration regarding Iraq-gate seemed largely to fizzle, as, one by one, statutes of limitations further expired for charges and potential charges in the case.

Then, in the 1996 elections, the GOP increased its majority in the Congress. There was little prospect of more than a Justice Department investigation, and, with Reno under pressure to concentrate primarily on investigating her own President Clinton's "Whitewater" scandal, an allegedly illegal real estate deal in Arkansas some years before, there was little time left in Reno's daily schedule for Iraq-gate.

There may have been another reason why Iraq-gate died down, however. (Timmerman 6-11). First Lady Hillary Clinton's Rose Law Firm had been hired out by one of the companies involved in the Iraq-gate scandal (Timmerman 6-11). Timmerman allows for the possibility that this may not have been known by the Rose Law Firm at the time, but adds that, nevertheless, once the Iraq-gate investigation had begun and this connection discovered, the Clinton Administration had felt obliged to at least go slower on the investigation (Timmerman 10-11).

But, this "law firm connection" must cause us to reflect back to earlier findings about the methodology of long-term Bush business associate Walter Mischer. We recall that Mischer used the practice of "hiring every law firm west of the Mississippi to work for him" so that none could later participate in any investigations of him due to "conflict of interest." (Brewton 370-9). At the time, 1992, Brewton knew that this applied the Post's law firm, Fulbright and Jaworski (370-9). Now, it is clear this same methodology was probably used later to implicate Hillary's firm so that it could also not help with any such investigation of Mischer/Bush illegal activities, including those in connection with Watergate. It is interesting that Herr Timmerman avoids bringing this point up in his semi-witty article.

Nevertheless, it should be noted that possible "undercurrent" issues, including the death of White House aide Vincent Foster, may also have been at work, both in the legal and political area. Some have long alleged that Foster's death had to do with records or documents he had that further implicated the Rose Law Firm in illegal activities such as Whitewater or, perhaps more seriously, Iraq-gate. The latter allegations, seen against the larger "backdrop" of Clinton's alleged CIA-Iran/Contra ties via the Mena, Arkansas airport and other activities--see Site links elsewhere on the George Bush-Undercurrents Website about several allegedly "suspicious" deaths--would, if validated, give credence to to the claim that there may have been another, deeper dimension to the Clinton "go slow" order to the Justice Department regarding Iraq-gate.

In any case, the manipulations of the legal relationships of the Rose Law Firm with Iraq-gate implicated firms, as achieved by Mischer, in themselves established a major roadblock to uncovering the Bush family's old Nazi connections in the Middle East. Combined with Bush's Republican Party having control of the Congressional investigating committees, this meant that only a momentous development of overwhelming proportion had the potential to re-invigorate the investigation of Fred Haobsch's Iraq-gate charges, either in the Congress or at the Department of Justice.

Works cited:

Brewton, Pete. The Mafia, CIA and George Bush. New York:
SPI/Shapolsky, 1992.

"Chronology," World Almanac for 1995. New York: Scripps-Howard,
1868---.

Friedman, Alan. Spider's Web: The Secret History of How the White House
Illegally \tab Armed Iraq.
New York: Bantam, 1992. 4-25.

Timmerman, Kenneth. "Whatever Happened To Iraq-gate?"American
Spectator
, November, 1996.

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