"WE WILL EXTERMINATE THEM"
This article has been reinforced by a series of articles that appeared on the internet in 2003, in the wake of the alleged killing of Saddam Hussein's sons and the subsequent alleged capture of Saddam Hussein:
"Uday and Qusey Dead. Again."
See also this article from New Scientist magazine online:
the seven hour DNA test to determine Saddam's identity, allegedly completed in six hours.
This new material takes on special significance in light of data revealed here at The George Bush-Undercurrents Website/annotated bibliography regarding the Dulles cover-up and protection of Tsuji Masanobu, Japanese war criminal that Dulles kept from war crimes trials, but then apparently had murdered by CIA personnel in Laos in the 1960s to silence him as to Dulles's ties to him. Similarly, Bush, Rumsfeld and Cheney may not want the world to see the real Saddam on the stand revealing their lucrative ties to his horrific regime. So, a Saddam double could stand trial, while the real Saddam is silenced forever, unannounced.
On first glimpse, one wouldn't think that Saddam Hussein would have
much appeal in the West.
But Loftus and Aarons point out that Saddam has long been allied with
the major petrochemical
conglomerates. With the release of their book, the ghastly story has
been revealed in its entirety.
They show that horrible German chemical and biological weaponry was
developed in Iraq and
other Middle Eastern nations by the same "German scientists" who worked
for Hitler during
World War II. The nerve gases Soman, Sarin and Tabun all originated in
camps. (Loftus and Aarons 573-4).
George Bush has mysterious ties to Saddam Hussein. Through them, he had an awesome power on hand at the time of the Iranian hostage crisis--one which he used to provide a "carrot and stick" incentive to Iran and Iraq to vary from previous negotiations with the Carter Administration. Clearly, Bush has usually been an ally of Saddam Hussein. I've learned through detailed research that the real reason for this goes all the way back to World War II. Bush is an ally, not just of Saddam but of Saddam's party, the Ba'ath Party. And in particular, Bush is an ally of Saddam's wing of the Ba'ath Party. That's because that wing of the party is the original one, with which Bush's father allied his family's wealth in World War II.
Loftus and Aarons add that for ten years prior to press disclosures, the US government protested to the West German government to no avail concerning its tolerance of the export of genocidal gas factories to the Middle East. (573-4).They say that, according to one Israeli source, Jonathan Pollard's discovery of this led him to leak information to Israel.(Loftus and Aarons 573-4).
In a seemingly distant event is a conversation between Saddam Hussein and U. S. Ambassador to Iraq April Glaspie on July 25, 1990, shortly before Saddam invaded Kuwait. Bowen provides a complete transcript of their discussion. In part, the transcript reveals the following: <>
"Glaspie: (Pause, then she speaks very carefully)
'We have no opinion on your Arab-Arab
conflicts, such as your dispute with Kuwait. Secretary [of State James]
Baker has directed me to
emphasize the instruction, first given to Iraq in the 1960's, that the
Kuwait issue is not associated
with America. "Saddam smiled. "On August 2, 1990, four days later,
Saddam's massed troop~
invaded and occupied Kuwait." (Bowen 145-8).
<>Bowen also noted that, on August 29, 1990, the Miami
that the State
Department had been ordered to give its files concerning the meeting
between Hussein and
Glaspie to a federal judge to decide whether they must be released. He
noted the AP reported the
State Department's fighting a lawsuit filed by Public Citizens
contending the files must be released
under the Freedom of Information Act. State contended that the
documents were "either
'classified in the interest of national defense or foreign policy, or
reflected the agency's deliberative
process (Bowen 145-8)." Bowen further notes that the meeting between
Glaspie and Hussein was
a critical issue in the debate over whether the United States led
Hussein to believe it would not
interfere if he invaded Kuwait, which he did a week later.(Bowen
145-8). Bowen points out that
Iraq: released the transcript of the meeting in which Glaspie said the
United States would not take
sides in 'Arab-Arab' conflicts such as the dispute with Kuwait. (Bowen
"However, Glaspie declared in Congressional testimony that she also told Hussein that the United States would insist that any dispute be settled peacefully." (Bowen 145-8).
Bowen describes how, a month after
Saddam's invasion of Kuwait,
British journalists obtained a
tape and transcript of the Hussein-Glaspie meeting. Astounded, they
confronted Ms. Glaspie:
"Journalist 1: (Holding the transcripts up) 'Are the transcripts correct, Madam Ambassador?'
(Ambassador Glaspie did not respond).
"Journalist 2: 'You knew Saddam was going to invade [Kuwait], but you didn't warn him not to. You didn't tell him America would defend Kuwait. You told him the opposite that America was not associated with Kuwait.'
"Journalist 1: 'You encouraged this aggression, his invasion. What were you thinking?'
"U.S. Ambassador Glaspie: 'Obviously, I didn't think, and nobody else did, that the Iraqis were going to take all of Kuwait.'
"Journalist 1: 'You thought he was just going to take some of it? But, how could you? Saddam told you that, if negotiations failed, he would give up his Iran [Shaft al Arab waterway] goal for "the <>whole of Iraq, in the shape we wish it to be." You know that includes Kuwait, which the Iraqis have always viewed as an historic part of their country!'
" (Ambassador Glaspie said nothing, pushing past the two journalists to leave.)
"Journalist 1: 'America greenlighted the invasion. At a minimum, you admit signaling Saddam that some aggression was okay that the U.S. would not oppose a grab of the alRumeilah oil field, the <>disputed border strip and the Gulf islands, territories claimed by Iraq?'
"(Again, Ambassador Glaspie said nothing as a limousine door slammed and the car drove off.)" (Bowen 145-8).
In order to make a little more sense of the connection between these two events, we must refer to Charles Higham's book, Trading with the Enemy. He describes the foundation of Saddam's Ba'ath Party by Nazi agent Charles Bedaux, who "helped pledge Syria as a base for a prospective Battle of Suez...worked with Vichy Admiral Darlan in planning to destroy the British Empire..[and] presented the German government his plans for camouflaging refineries at Abadan against Allied bombing...On April 12,1943, J.Edgar Hoover (arrested) Bedaux (for treason)...Bedaux... died on February 14, 1944..." (Higham 178-88).
Matching the dates and times of Bedaux's
operations for the Axis in
the Middle East, Bennis and
Moushabeck tell us that Ba'athism is a form of Pan-Arabism founded in
Syria in the "mid-1940's"
by Michel Aflaq and two colleagues. Pan-Arabism focuses on Baghdad as
the central city of all
the Arab nations because it is the capital city of present-day Iraq and
the traditional capital city of
the Arab world. This is probably the reason Saddam Hussein's faction of
the Ba'ath Party is the
original Ba'ath Party. It is also why it came to make Baghdad rather
than Syria its permanent
Khomeini did not declare the monarchy itself to be illegitimate by nature and didn't claim the right to rule. (Bakhash 22-3). He accepted a limited role of cooperating even with bad governments in upholding the state. (Bakhash 22-3). Khomeini may have been reluctant to offend Ayatollah Mohammed Hosaim Boujerdi, the religious leader, who pursued a policy of quietism and a nonpolitical clergy, since Khomeini's activism started only after Boujerdi's death in 1961. (Bakhash 22-3).
"...the German fifth column organization... is large...it is more likely that the organization is the routine Nazi fifth column type with its agents and branches in important German business concerns throughout the country. Its activities have increased since the beginning of the German-Russian war particularly among White Russians, Americans and disaffected elements in the north [of Iran]. While Iranian police have been fully aware of fifth column activities...police action has been too desultory and weak to prevent the building up of...German forces...[emphasis added]." (Foreign Relations, 383-4).
This event occurred in July 1941. (Foreign
383-4). It gains in significance when we
note that, in Iraq, earlier in the year, January 1941, Britain's
ambassador Sir Basil Newton noted
that "the Iraq Government were contemplating obtaining arms from Japan (Foreign
487)." Closer in time to the July events in Iran, the US Minister
Resident in Iraq, on April 30,
1941, cabled to Washington that "a mixed lot of Americans and
miscellaneous foreigners and
some Iraqi subjects numbering about 100 fearing mob violence have taken
refuge in Legation."
(Foreign Relations 504). He further notes that
"160 men, women
and children of various
nationalities have taken refuge in the legation since April 30th (Foreign
Relations 505)." On May
5, he cabled Washington that "I am informed by the Ministry for Foreign
Affairs that the Jesuit
Fathers of the Jesuit College and Dr. and Mrs. Staudt of American Boys
School who elected
remain at their respective schools are well and also that one American
Jesuit Father and a Miss
Adams at the British Embassy are presumably still there...American
women ...left here for Basra
via Habbaniya and also regarding Americans at Basra [as to their safety
(Foreign Relations 506)."
<> The Resident Minister also notes (513) that during the pro-Axis occupation of Baghdad, "British Air Force...evacuated American women with their own." He states shortly before this that "inquiries" were then being made regarding efforts to evacuate virtually all Americans, male and female, from Iraq (Foreign Relations 506). This means that virtually the only "Americans" left in the Middle East a month later, at the time of Dreyfus' cable to Welles, were Standard Oil/oil industry employees. And some of these, we recall from Dreyfus' cable, were engaged in aiding the Axis coup attempt in Iran in July, 1941 (Foreign Relations 383-4).
Significantly, too, since the coup was partially inspired by Japan, authorities there would have been aware of any assistance rendered by Standard Oil, which had sent them "cables...promising to continue trading with Japan regardless of any conflict or break in trade (Higham 42-53)."
It seems reasonable to believe that Prescott Bush, as a top official of Standard Oil and its related banking companies during this time, may have put his signature on documents authorizing funds for activities which helped Japanese agents in Iraq. What seems equally evident is that, later in the war, this document was delivered to the Japanese on Guam by George Bush in 1944. It was useful to George in proving that his family and his company were friends of the Japanese. With such a detailed knowledge of Japanese activity in 1941, George was clearly a friend of Japan. And with a new negotiated peace offer from Allen Dulles for the OSS to accompany it, Bush was assured of a ticket out of Guam and back to his carrier.
Having been delivered to the Japanese, the documents could then proceed back to Ba'ath Party headquarters in Syria, where they ended up after the war. Or at least, this is the charge that could have been made about them. How else could the Ba'ath Party of the Middle East have known about oil shipments to "neutral" nations like India and Thailand unless they had been delivered by an Axis courier?
Barbara Honnegar speculates that the document which Licio Gelli had on George Bush in the 1970's when he joined the P-2 organization may have been related to his membership in the CIA much earlier than he has ever admitted. Bush would have been forced to give Gelli such an incriminating document as part of his initiation into the membership of P-2, a Fascist political organization in Italy (Honnegar 229-44). She points out that Bush's "Zapata oil" company is listed as a CIA "assist" during the Bay of Pigs invasion preparations of 1960 (Honnegar 229-44). This powerfully suggests that Bush was a CIA agent before 1963. This, in turn, means he could have been an agent in Allen Dulles's CIA. This also fits due to his father's ties to Dulles and Standard Oil.
Allen Dulles was Prescott Bush's attorney and, by some method, Prescott was able to get George into the Navy at the age of 18, rather than 21, and without two years of college. Both of these were normally requirements to get into the Navy as an aviator in 1942. Dulles at OSS could have "pulled strings" to get George in.
Dulles headed the CIA at the end of World War II. Dulles had originally been an OSS station chief in Switzerland in the war and OSS was the forerunner of the CIA. It would fit that the connection Prescott had used to get George into the Navy as an aerial photographer, was Allen Dulles. He could then be an "asset" of the OSS as an aerial reconnaissance photographer as well as a pilot.
Ironically, in a strategic and sensitive national security position, Bush had been able to behave as an OSS agent during the summer of 1944. This was during the time when Dulles was engaged in his "Sunrise" and "Safehaven" negotiations with the Axis. George helped when it came time to shut down radio transmissions and switch to couriers in order to continue to preliminary negotiations with the Axis and avoid FDR's surveillance. (Loftus and Aarons 367). George was the courier to get the job done.
At the very highest levels of the Japanese government, it was known a courier was to land on Guam on June 19, 1944, in advance of the US landings on Saipan. This was a good will gesture from Secretary of the Navy Forrestal. Forrestal, an early critic of the bombing of Japan (Bagby 273) had wanted to give the Japanese government a chance to negotiate, avoiding the ugly bombing of Japan proper that would follow America's seizure of the Saipan airstrips. He wanted, instead, an alliance with Japan against Mao and Russia.
Therefore, the highest Japanese government officials had ordered all planes--both naval and land-based--attacking the US task force off Saipan to circle around for a few moments (Hoyt 271). There was no military advantage at all to the Japanese in this maneuver. It was a signal to the Standard Oil courier. And that courier was George Bush.
Forrestal covered George's tracks after he left Guam. He arrived on Guam shortly after the airfield there was secured on July 29, 1944. He'd then flown Bush's unmarked, off-limits Avenger to Saipan, an area the OSS was to keep under a continuous high security blanket from then on (Goerner 130-50). There, a night or two later, Forrestal, perhaps with George's help, set fire to George Bush's airplane. He was seen involved in these things by Thomas Devine, who, however, didn't comprehend what was going on, and remembered these events in distorted form later, as someone burning "Amelia Earhart's plane." (Devine 39-42).
The Japanese within a month had reshuffled their cabinet, ousting Hideki Tojo. (Butow 131). This may have been upon receipt of the message from Dulles, Forrestal, Standard Oil and maybe even the GOP faction supporting Thomas Dewey. The Cabinet shuffle was their response to the offer of negotiations, a peace gesture.
At the same time, a major Japanese offensive in China was greeted by Chiang Kai Shek with cooperation rather than opposition. Chiang saw the Japanese as a force to make his position in China more secure against the Communists and other opponents (Bagby 130-6). He no doubt had been encouraged in this by right-wing elements in the OSS (Bagby 130-6). It became fairly clear to General Wedemeyer that Chiang had collaborated with the Japanese during this offensive (Bagby, 133-4). Rumors of a deal between Chiang and the Japanese were rampant as Wedemeyer confronted Chiang about them (Bagby 133-4). Chiang would "neither confirm nor deny" but merely laughed. Wedemeyer regarded this as an admission by Chiang that he had in fact collaborated with the Japanese (Bagby 133-4). In fact, Bagby flatly says Chiang did so (134). As a result of the success of the Japanese Ichigo offensive, seventeen major US air bases in China were destroyedand this destroyed for a time America's ability to bomb Japanese shipping (Bagby 130-6).
It's interesting that shipping should have been rendered less vulnerable to US bombers during this time of a Standard Oil plans for shipments to fascist-leaning "neutral" countries. Allen Dulles was conniving to negotiate with the Axis behind FDR's back. He was also sneaking his Nazi gold into Japanese-occupied Manchuria (Loftus and Aarons 367). This latter was an area sure to be attacked by the USSR if the US remained allied with it. Hence, Dulles concern lest it fall to Soviet troops.
The reason why the Ba'ath Party documents are important is that they may reveal that Standard Oil (the "Americans" referred to by Dreyfuss in his cable to Sumner Welles) supported this coup and sought to help it to succeed. They hampered efforts by Britain to stop the coup and reinstate Nuri in power in Iraq. They appear to have encouraged "tribesmen" in an area below Baghdad to obstruct British troop movements, including destroying dikes and flooding an area the British were attempting to travel through (Baker 216-17). It seems evident that Prescott Bush, as a top executive at Standard Oil, could have signed documents authorizing funding for these operations.
What seems equally evident is that later in the war this document was delivered to Japanese commander on Guam as a courier activity by George Bush. They ended up in the hands of the Ba'ath Party again because Ba'ath was a pivotal connecting point to the whole activity. Utilizing Ba'ath Party personnel, Iraq, Syria and Saudi Arabia would all be used by Standard Oil for this potentially most profitable of all late war oil shipment to Japan. Having been delivered to the Japanese on Guam by George Bush in 1944, the documents would have proceeded back to Ba'ath Party headquarters in Syria in 1944. Or at least, this is the charge that could have been made about them. How else could the Ba'ath Party of the Middle East have known about oil shipments to the "neutral" nations, India and Thailand, unless they had been delivered by an Axis courier?
And, to paraphrase Russell Bowen in his book's advertising and final pages (and the Democrats in the 1984 and '88 conventions) where was George from July 4, 1944, (the official date of his downing off Chichi Jima) and September 2, 1944, when he was filmed being picked up? Where was George for 24-48 hours off Guam? Did he land his plane on Guam?
Marines stationed on the neighboring island of Saipan state an aircraft without military markings was seen in flight into Saipan from a neighboring island during mopping up operations on Guam and Saipan (Goerner 270). Goerner also intriguingly notes that, during a search for signs of Earhart's plane on Saipan in 1960, while the CIA was under the command of Allen Dulles, he had been "tailed" by three unidentified agents (136). He confronted the San Francisco CIA head about this, and, though he denied a CIA connection for Goerner's tail, shortly afterward it stopped (Goerner 145).
Marine Tom Devine stated he saw an aircraft without military markings being discussed among top officers near the captured Japanese airfield on Saipan (39-42). Devine alleged that he later saw this plane on fire in an "off limits" area (Devine 39-42). Devine says that one of the non-uniformed officers guarding the plane in its "off limits" hangar, was Secretary of the Navy James Forrestal (Devine 39-42). He says that Forrestal had been instrumental in flying the civilian plane into Saipan from a nearby island (Devine 39-42). Guam is near Saipan.
Loftus and Aarons state that Forrestal was a business partner in Standard Oil and other Nazi-oriented corporations with such lights as William Draper, William Stamps Farrish, Allen Dulles and Nelson Rockefeller, all known traitors during World War II (Loftus and Aarons 378).
Devine assumed at the time that the secret being held was Amelia Earhart's plane. However, the aircraft he saw--at least three--were at a distance (Devine 39-42). The twin-engine aircraft he saw could have been a captured Japanese "Betty" bomber, with its markings removed. And, intriguingly, also, Devine described how, in the distance, he'd seen two single-engine planes, far enough away that he couldn't readily discern their identity or model (Devine 39-42). He assumed that they had military markings, since he wasn't looking as closely at them as at the twin-engine aircraft (Devine 39-42).
Intriguingly, equally reliable sources have recently found what appear to be the remains of Amelia Earhart's plane off Howland Island, near where her last radio broadcast was heard (Wilkinson 26). This powerfully suggests that the plane seen flying into Saipan was not Amelia's plane.
And if it wasn't Amelia Earhart's plane which was seen on Saipan (near Guam) in 1944, whose plane was it ? Devine himself notes that Amelia Earhart's own sister, even in the 1970's before this latter find, "abandoned the belief that her sister had crashed near Howland Island after hearing [Fred Goerner's] progress report in September-October 1961 and after his second expedition to Saipan. By 26 June 1962, however, Mrs. Morrissey had returned to her original conclusion. She wrote to me somewhat bitterly,
'The claims of Captain Brian and CBS have been shown to be completely false and unsubstantiated, so why continue the discussion? Amelia's plane went down near Howland Island [and] because of a radio failure...the Coast Guard cutter could not home in on her."'(Devine 82 footnote).
Devine also acknowledges that one of the main sources of all "Amelia Earhart" afficionados, Thomas J. O'Hare, one of the Itasca Coast Guard cutter radiomen who recorded messages from Earhart "accepted the idea that Earhart had run out of gas and had 'splashed' within 200 miles of the Itasca [near Howland Island]." (Devine 165).
George Bush didn't really land in the water off Guamhe landed on Guam itself, carrying Allen Dulles's offer of a negotiated peace. Dulles's plan had been that the Standard Oil documents would proceed on to Saudi Arabia, where the King would sign off on the shipment to Thailand. The shipment would then leave Saudi, go through the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean to Bombay, and from there head for Thailand.
Once again, the time frame here is intriguing. In May, 1944, Standard Oil had succeeded in pressuring the Roosevelt Administration to allow it to sell oil again to "neutral" nations such as Spain. Roosevelt had, in January, 1944, attempted to ban such oil sales on the grounds that Spain and a group of other socalled "neutral" countries were not nearly neutral enough. Virtually all oil sent to Spain went almost directly to Germany from there. And Thailand was in a similar relationship with Japan as Spain was to Germany. Technically, it was neutral, but it was an open secret that Thailand sympathized with Japan and had willingly provided roads and even aircraft runways for Japanese forces invading Malaya. Like Spain, Thailand was nonindustrialyet shipments of oil could have been sent there. Now, in May and June of 1944, with the trade route with Germany through Spain reopened, Standard Oil (and its attorney Allen Dulles) had no reason to believe FDR would really stand up to them if they attempted to also deliver oil to Thailand.
Radioing the Japanese ahead of time of the tanker's route would allow Japanese forces from Burma to be waiting on the Thai-Burma coast to waylay the sympathetic Standard Oil tanker. It could be rationalized as a normal business deal, through a neutral nation. So what if it enhanced Standard Oil's reputation with the Japanese enemies? Perhaps in 1944, an election year, the Japanese would talk sense, negotiating a settlement with Republican Party "spokesmen" such as Allen Dulles, who was even then deeply involved in negotiations to get his gold and money out of Germany and other Axis countries or Swiss banks which might be subject to investigation, into Japanese-occupied Manchuria.
So paperwork and documentation was arranged and later this was back in the hands of top leaders of the Ba'ath Party, delivered back to them all the way from Guam in the Pacific. Through his membership in Ba'ath in the 1960's, Saddam Hussein came into possession of this document.
But it isn't only the Ba'ath Party which had access to these documents. Through his group's World War II ties to Ba'ath, they were probably accessed by Licio Gelli as he founded P-2 in the 1960s. In setting up his blackmail network, Gelli had to get powerful, scandalous information on key military, police and political figures around the world, in nations that were important to his operations. Barbara Honneggar tells us that in order to become a member of P-2, George Bush had to give an incriminating document about himself to Gelli (Honnegar 229-44). It could be that the document which Gelli was given by Bush was the Iraqi document implicating both Prescott and George in treason during World War II. This document may tie in with the J. Edgar Hoover memo described by Honnegar which proves George's early membership in Dulles's CIA (Honnegar 229-44).
In 1980, with political pressure on George Bush at a white heat, Gelli made his move. At first, he was simply intrigued to have a man of his own so close to the White House. But later in 1980, as the Iranians seized the Poet, with his agents and tons of heroin aboard, he had an even more urgent reason to pressure Bush to turn against Iraq in favor of Iran--at least, temporarily (Honnegar 229-44). To do this, he saw to it that the documents were placed into the hands of a rebelling CIA agent named Russell S. Bowen.
Bowen wanted to write about the CIA by 1979, as did Phillip Agee, a fellow renegade agent who had written exposes of his own about the CIA (Bowen ix). Gelli may have learned from sources around Agee--such as Alexander Haig, a "double agent" who was a member of P2 and the Knights of Maltaof Bowen's plans for a book. Gelli then got the scandalous document to Bowen and allowed him to write about it in his book, the first edition of The Immaculate Deception.
Gelli presented the book and a request for an ad for it in the American media to British publishing tycoon (and British and Israeli secret agent) Robert Maxwell. Maxwell was an Israeli agent interested in stymieing Saddam's efforts to destroy Israel in 1980 via prolonging the Iran-Iraq War. He'd have been willing to threaten Bush, a pivotal person in plans to use the "carrot and stick" approach, into agreeing to work with a renegade faction of Mossad (then coincidentally in alliance with Licio Gelli). He did this by threatening to advertise and publish the first edition of Russell S. Bowen's book, The Immaculate Deception.
Alexander Haig also conveyed Bowen's book plans to George Bush. Gelli's thinking was that he would leave Bush an out. By providing information to Bowen and Bush at the same time, he gave Bush a chance to silence Bowen on this matter and save his reputation. After Bush agreed to Haig and Maxwell's demands, they agreed to put off publication of the book until after Bush's election as vicepresident. Once elected, Bush pressured Bowen to rejoin the CIA, at which point he promptly seized Bowen's materials, preventing his publication of his original charge of treason against Bush in World War 2. Instead, Bowen wasn't able to retire from the CIA until the late '80's, at which time he was able to write and get into print a later version of The Immaculate Deception, minus the original World War II allegation (the evidence for which was now no longer in Bowen's possession).
"1990 was a turning point for Japan in two ways: first, it was the year in which the Cold War ended; second, it was the year in which Japan's largest postwar rebuilding plan, its 1976 National Defense Program Outline, was completed...In developing their forces, Japan frequently went beyond the role of supplementing the U.S. toward capabilities that would prove themselves useful to Japan in its own right...The sense that the Japanese are in a position to rapidly expand their military force and are restrained only by the American presence is not based solely on the views of the America military leaders in Japan. It can also be gleaned from looking at the weaponsprocuring policies pursued by the Japanese. The Japanese have the wherewithal in place to rapidly expand their forces should the need arise." (Friedman and Lebard 347-48).
Old chums, old ties.
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George Bush-Undercurrents Website.
Aldridge, Robert C. Folly in the Desert: A Background Paper on the War with Iraq. Santa Clara, CA: Pacific Life Research Center, 1991
Bagby, Wesley Marvin. The Eagle-Dragon Alliance: America's Relations With China in World War II. Cranbury, NJ: Associated UP, 1992
Baker, Robert L. Oil, Blood and Sand. New York: D. Appleton-Century, 1942.
Bakhash, Shaol. In the Reign of the Ayotollahs. New York: Basic, 1984.
Bennis, Phyllis and Michel Moushabeck. Beyond the Storm: A Gulf Crisis Reader. New York: Olive Branch, 1991.
Bowen, Brig. Gen. Russell S. (Ret.). The Immaculate Deception: The Bush Crime Family
Exposed. Carson City, NV: America West, 1991.
Butow, Robert J.C. Tojo and the Coming of the War. Stanford, CA: UP, 1961
Devine, Thomas. Eyewitness: The Amelia Earhart Incident. Frederick, CO: Renaissance House, 1980.
Ember, Lois. "Panel Looks for Causes of Gulf War Illnesses," Chemical and Engineering News, February 19, 1996. 7-8
Friedman, Alan. Spider's Web: The Secret History of How the White House Illegally Armed Iraq. New York: Bantam, 1993
Friedman, George, and Meredith Lebard. The Coming War with Japan. New York: St. Martin's, 1991
Goerner, Fred. The Search forAmelia Earhart. New York: Doubleday, 1966
Higham, Charles. Trading with the Enemy: An Exposé of the Nazi-American Money Plot, 1933-1947. New York: Delacorte, 1983
Honneggar, Barbara. October Surprise. New York: Tudor, 1989
Hoyt, Edwin P. To the Marianas: War in the Central Pacific, 1944. New York: Avon, 1980<>Loftus, John and Mark Aarons. The Secret War Against the Jews: How Western Espionage Betrayed the Jewish People. New York: St. Martin's, 1994,
McCarthy, Julie, "Report from Japan," Morning Edition. NPR. KUAR, Little Rock, AR, April 18, 1995.
Morning Edition. Narr. Bob Edwards. NPR. KUAR, Little Rock, AR, June 18, 1995.
Shapiro, Laura and Ray Sawhill. "Amelia Earhart: Was She Or Wasn't She?" Rev. of Lost Star by Randall Brink. Newsweek. January 31, 1994. 59<>Shultz, George P. Turmoil and Triumph: My Years as Secretary of State. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1993
Tirnmerman, Kenneth R. "Whatever Happened to Iraqgate?" American Spectator, November, 1996. 34-41<>United States Congress. House Committee on National Security. United States Policy Toward Iraq.Washington, DC: GPO, 1997
United States Congress Senate Select Committee on Intelligence. Intelligence Assessments of the Exposure of U.S. Military Personnel to Chemical Agents During Operation Desert Storm: Joint Hearing Before the Select Committee on Intelligence, United States Senate, One Hundred Fourth Congress, Second Session, Wednesday, September 25, 1996. Washington, DC: 1997, GPO<>United States Department of State. Foreign Relations of the United States: Diplomatic Papers, 1941. Washington, DC: GPO, 1956
United States General Accounting Office. Operation Desert Storm Investigation of A U.S. Army Fratricide Incident: Report to the Honorable Fred Thompson, U.S. Senate.Washington, DC: GPO, 1995
---------. Operation Desert Storm: Evaluation of the Air Campaign: Report to the
Ranking Minority Member, Committee on Commerce, House of Representatives/United States General Accounting Office. Washington, DC: GPO, 1997
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