Conclusions: Guilty or Innocent--Or Can It Be That Simple?

One of my degrees is in the field of paralegal studies and legal research--and one of the things this has taught me is to always presume someone is innocent until proven guilty. Because evidence is required to actually convict, just so, to make an allegation, some measure of evidence must also be present. When one examines a set of evidence that is present pertaining to the activities and whereabouts of George Bush and his father during the Second World War, one sees some intriguing things. And when one has had the experience that I have had, of having heard an advertisement on the radio for a book which made the allegation that George Bush committed (essentially) treason during World War II by landing his plane on a Japanese-held island and delivering a message to the Japanese, one is more likely to prick up his ears when he reads how George Bush's father was indicted in October, 1942, for trading with the enemy. (Tarpley and Chaitkin 30-46); and how George Bush was out of pocket off Guam for as much as 48 hours (Hyams 82-150 ; Tarpley and Chaitkin 100-13); and how one of Bush's fellow crewmen debates his account of whether his plane was on fire when he jumped out of it (raising the question of whether he knew how to water land an aircraft as he allegedly had off Guam a month or two earlier). (Sullivan 57-9; Tarpley and Chaitkin 101-15; Blumenthal, "War Stories.").

Also intriguing in this case is the way Bush promoted a man within the Republican Party who was a known Axis courier during World War II (Simpson 78). Also interesting is how Bush signed a picture belonging to a known Nazi who exterminated thousands of Jews in World War II, "To the Honorable Jaroslav Stetsko--with Best Wishes, George Bush (Bellant 124-31)." Finally, it should probably not slip past our notice that George Bush's father's attorney was Allen Dulles, a man who has now clearly been shown to have engaged in treason in World War II by negotiating with Nazis and Japanese behind the back of FDR (Loftus and Aarons 71-80).

In 1936, Forrestal bought Socal and Texaco together and, with the help of Dillon, Read vice president Paul Nitze, drew up the scheme to pool the assets of the two companies "East of Suez." The result was that after 1940, when the deal was formalized, Caltex became the parent company of Aramco, the Arabian-American Oil Company. . .[T]he various independent companies that had once been Standard Oil. Aramco eventually would reunite two of the most important component companies, Standard of California and Standard of New Jersey, which still was dominated by the Rockefellers, in the form of John D. Rockefeller, Jr. The two companies had more in common than oil and greed. They both did business with the Nazis, acting as if they hated the Jews (Loftus and Aarons 63).

When the dust settled on the complex web of paperwork, Dulles's Nazi client I.G. Farben had Forrestal on payroll (Loftus and Aarons 63-7). The whole arrangement worked well until the U S went to war in 1941. Standard of New Jersey's relationship with Farben hadn't gone unnoticed in Washington. Next to the Rockefellers, I.G. Farben owned the largest shares of stock in Standard Oil of New Jersey. Standard's deal with the Nazis looked like treason. Its 1939 letter renewed its agreement and clarified that the Rockefellers' company was prepared to work with the Nazis whether their own government was at war with the Third Reich or not. Truman's Senate Committee on the National Defense was outraged and began a probe into the whole arrangement, much to the discomfort of John D. Rockefeller, Jr. But suddenly the whole thing was dropped. The reason for Rockefeller's escape was blackmail (Loftus and Aarons 63-7). According to former intelligence officers interviewed on this point,say Loftus and Aarons (63-7) the blackmail was simple and powerful: The Dulles brothers had one of their clients threaten to interrupt the US oil supply during wartime. Besides the late US Supreme Court Justice Arthur Goldberg, three other members of the US intelligence community insist that Allen Dulles was personally behind the threat to cut off Saudi supplies. Standard's Execs made it clear the entire US war effort was fueled by their oil and it could be stopped. Arnold could do nothing but accept the fact of the blackmail. The American government had no choice but to go along if it wanted win the war.

One Standard executive, Loftus and Aarons tell us (63-7) paid $1000 or a quarter of one week's salary, for having betrayed the nation. No matter what they did during the war, Dulles's and Forrestal's clients could get away with anything as long as they controlled the Arabian oil wells. That point was driven home by SoCal just as Allied forces began the invasion of Normandy. The company demanded profit margins of 250 to 300 percent on production costs for each barrel of Saudi oil sold to the American government. The US government had no choice; it gave Socal its price increase.

President Roosevelt, they tell us, (Loftus and Aarons 63-7) also was forced to appoint Dulles's oil cronies to the very boards that were charged with oversight of such misconduct. On was Gerhard Alois Westrick, the front man for Sullivan and Cromwell's former German clients. Westrick remained Allen Dulles's personal client before and after the war. Westrick was also a German intelligence agent and in close contact with the pro-Hitler oil man Torkil Rieber, a Norwegian-American who was the president of Texaco as well as Socal's partner in Saudi oil and one of Forrestal's clients. The Dulleses wasted no time in pressuring the British to call off their pet dogs in the American press. Dulles and a colleague expressed their desire to have our British propaganda action in the USA as to I.G. Farben discontinued. Their explanation was that, in their opinion, this might involve large American companies like Standard Oil of New Jersey, etc., thereby perhaps impairing the war effort. Dulles was personally threatening to cut off Britain's supply of oil during the war if the British persisted with their exposure of American oil's connection to I. G. Farben. Dulles used the oil blackmail tactic on both sides of the Atlantic and London and Washington both bit their tongues. Loftus and Aarons also tell us:

"Before his death, former Supreme Court Justice Arthur Goldberg granted one of the authors an interview. Justice Goldberg had served in US intelligence during World War II. Although he said little in public, he had collected information on the Dulles boys' activities over the years. His verdict was blunt. 'The Dulles brothers were traitors.' They had betrayed their country, by giving aid and comfort to the enemy in time of war. . .What Justice Goldberg never understood is how the Dulles brothers got away with burying the truth or so long. The answer is simple and cynical. The foxes volunteered to guard the henhouse. After the Americans and British caved in to Standard Oil's threats, Allen Dulles offered to help the Allied war effort by coordinating US intelligence in Switzerland. . .The intelligence services were not the only part of the government penetrated by Hitler's American bagmen. Dulles's clients and colleagues virtually dominated the war production effort. . . Dulles's primary effort was to work with the Vatican to overthrow Hitler and rescue the pro-business monarchists..[T]he Vatican appealed to Dulles to arrange for the surrender of SS General Karl Wolff's German forces in Italy without destroying the vital northern Italian industrial base around Milan. Dulles himself wrote a book praising his own efforts in Operation Sunrise, the code name for the secret surrender negotiations. . .Judge Musmano, later one of the team at the Nuremberg war crimes trials. . .examined all the documents. . .(and) concluded that General Wolff led Dulles on, gaining promises of immunity for war crimes while delaying any actual surrender until the day Hitler committed suicide. . .When confronted after the war, Dulles denied that any promises of immunity were given but insisted that the Allies had a 'moral obligation' to protect Nazi peace negotiators, like Wolff. Although he had commanded one of the SS mobile killing units on the Eastern Front that had murdered 300,000 people, mainly Jews, Wolff ended up as a witness for the prosecution at Nuremberg. The other war criminals among his close circle were shipped to North Africa and quietly released. . .In 1988 the Soviet paper Pravda cited Allen Dulles's deals in Switzerland. . . 'The German command would have handed Austria and some other 'territories' over to the USA and Britain. . .the capitulation of the Wehrmacht grouping in Italy would have been followed by the opening up of the entire Western front to the Anglo-American forces while maintaining and stepping up resistance against the Red Army's offensive. . .(Loftus and Aarons 71-80)."

The "Wolff-Dulles Affair," Loftus and Aarons tell us (71-80) was the largest operation against. Roosevelt Administration, an operation launched while FDR was still alive. The most embarrassing part of the Pravda account is that it correctly quotes top-secret US intelligence documents as its source. More intriguing, Soviet radio broadcasts hinted that they had "other documents" proving that Allen Dulles betrayed Allied plans at Yalta to the Germans. Allen Dulles was acting behind Roosevelt's back in his schemes to unite Axis and Allied forces against the Soviets. But FDR knew exactly what Allen Dulles and his clients were up to with the Nazis. He was reading their mail and transcripts of their conferences and telephone conversations. One chapter of the Ultra files of the British codebreakers has never been published before, but it reveals a lot, Loftus and Aarons tell us (63-7). As general counsel for the Schroder Bank, Dulles made sure all American investors in Nazi Germany were shielded, by asking, after a year with the New York intelligence branch, to be transferred to Bern.The motive? Dulles could not move his clients' money from the US because Roosevelt had frozen all Swiss bank accounts on grounds they contained Nazi assets. Dulles had to go to Switzerland if he wanted to control the purse strings. It was known that Dulles was continuing to work with his German clients who wanted to remove Hitler and install a puppet of their own who could make peace with the West and forge an alliance against Stalin. It was to be a kinder, gentler Third Reich, favorably disposed to American financial interests. To this end, Dulles had entered into negotiations with conservative members of German intelligence under Admiral Wilhelm Canaris. It was business as usual. Dulles stayed in contact with the Nazis through one land line linked German intelligence headquarters and Dulles's counterpart in Swiss intelligence. But this and other telegraph lines to Switzerland were tapped by Allied code breakers. Their reports were forwarded to the US Treasury Department's secret service, without the knowledge of Dulles's cronies in the other agencies (Loftus and Aarons 63-81).

According to a US counterintelligence agent interviewed by Loftus and Aarons (63-81) German intelligence also mounted its own code-breaking operation against Dulles.The Nazis succeeded in break[ing Dulles's OSS codes for communicating back to the United States. Those German records were captured at the end of the war were added to the Dulles files. They too have never been released to the public. The tapes of the Swiss wiretaps may be still stored in the NSA vaults at Fort Meade, Loftus and Aarons tell us (63-80). They go on:

"This is confirmed by the top-secret White House-Justice Department correspondence files. . .The targets [of FDR's wiretaps] included not only the Dulles brothers, but (Secretary of the Navy James V.) Forrestal and major industrialists, such as Henry Ford. . .Roosevelt and Morgenthau would have hanged. . .[Dulles] and all his colleagues. . .Yet the scheme fell apart because someone tipped off Dulles that he was under surveillance. . . It is possible that through lawyers at the Justice Department Dulles found out about the wiretap scheme. . .What was criminal was the way that Dulles was trying to help the German industrialists get their money at the end of the war. After the Nazis' 1943 defeat at Stalingrad, various Nazi businessmen realized they were on the losing side and made plans to evacuate their wealth. The Peron government in Argentina was receiving the Nazi flight capital with open arms, and Dulles helped it hide the money. This was more than a violation of the Trading with the Enemy Act; giving aid and comfort to the enemy in time of war was treason. Once again, however, Allen Dulles was one step ahead of his pursuers. . . the Nazis tipped him off that the Allies had broken the Swiss codes, [and] Dulles carefully shifted the scope of his money laundering from Switzerland to the Central Bank of Belgium. The British journalists Ian Sayer and Douglas Botting, authors of Nazi Gold, trace the gold movements in the last days of the war to the vicinity of Partenkirchen on the German-Austrian border. . .A senior US counterintelligence agent, who knew several of the original German sources for Nazi Gold, says that the authors were deliberately misled on a number of points. According to our source, the bulk of the treasure was simply shipped a very short distance across Austria and through the Brenner Pass into Italy. Dulles's contacts were waiting at the Vatican. The German-Vatican connection was how Allen Dulles and the Nazi industrialists planned to get away with it. . .[But]. . . the Jews were watching (Loftus and Aarons 71-80)." Further increasing one's suspicions in this regard, we now know that former Vice-President Nelson Rockefeller engaged in treason during World War II. It is also a fact that George Bush's father was a partner in Rockefeller's company, Standard Oil:

". . .[T]he Rockefellers just happened to own the largest stock of Standard of New Jersey and were then in partnership with the Nazi-controlled I.G. Farben. . .the (Rockefeller) family was in complete agreement with the Dulles brothers and Forrestal on the question of preserving US profits, no matter who won the war. . .[H]is friend Forrestal had authorized the Rockefeller oil company, Standard of New Jersey, to ship oil to the Nazis in 1941. That was before the United States entered the war, but Pearl Harbor made no difference to Rockefeller. . .[emphasis added]. All through the war, while Rockefeller was in charge, everything the Germans wanted in South America they got, from refueling stations to espionage bases. The British, on the other hand, had to pay in cash. Behind Rockefeller's rhetoric of taking measures in Latin America for the national defense stood a naked grab for profits. Under the cloak of his official position, Rockefeller and his cronies would take over Britain's most valuable Latin American properties. If the British resisted, he would effectively block the raw materials and food supplies desperately needed for Britain's fight against Hitler. . . (Loftus and Aarons 164-71)." Not only this, Rockefeller's cronies were members of the Dulles-Forrestal clique. (Loftus and Aarons 165-71). And:

"By February 1945 one-third of the nations on the [South American] continent had not even entered the war, while Dulles's friend, President Juan Peron of Argentina led a bloc of decidedly pro-Fascist countries that were eager to help the architects of the Third Reich escape with their assets intact. In the end, these countries had to be ordered to declare war on Germany and Japan, under threat of exclusion from the United Nations. . .(Loftus and Aarons 165-71)." It was all a farce: Argentina didn't declare war until late April, two weeks before the German surrender. In fact, most South American dictators made a fortune from the Nazis during the war (Loftus and Aarons 165-71).Therefore:"Rockefeller's political and corporate strategy was to use his block of Fascist nations to "buy" the majority vote at the UN. . .The Latin American bloc represented nineteen votes to Europe's nine. . .[Rockefeller's] partner in moneymaking just happened to be John Foster Dulles, a trustee of the Rockefeller Foundation and a fellow conspirator in smuggling Axis money to safety. . .Those Israelis who were present for the foundation of the Jewish state insist [Rockefeller] had crossed several lines and had made a profit on both sides of the war. Rockefeller's name arose in several incriminating wiretaps and. . . it is entirely possible that the Zionists were given transcripts by sympathetic British officials. . .One Israeli intelligence officer admits the British connection. . . Ben-Gurion had already accumulated more than enough ammunition against Rockefeller and had decided that he couldn't take any chances with an indirect approach. There was no time for a British-style media campaign. The Latin American votes were needed in three days. Our American sources insist that the Jews simply laid their cards on the table for Nelson to read and 'blackmailed the hell out of him.'. . .In 1936, the Rockefellers entered into partnership with Dulles's Nazi front, the Shroder Bank of New York, which. . .was the key institution in the Fascist economic 'miracle.' In 1939 the Rockefeller-controlled Chase National Bank secured $25 million for Nazi Germany and supplied Berlin with information on ten thousand Nazi sympathizers in the US. Except for a few months' interruption, the Rockefeller-owned Standard of New Jersey company shipped oil to the Nazis through Spain all throughout the war. The roster of the Rockefellers' known pro-Nazi behavior is horrendous. As previously outlined, in 1942 Senator Truman described the behavior of the Rockefellers' company as treasonous. . .Under the US Constitution, giving aid and comfort to the enemy in time of war is treason. On September 22, 1947, Federal Judge Charles Clark issued the following opinion in a civil case: 'Standard Oil can be considered an enemy national in view of its relationship with I.G. Farben after the United States and Germany became active enemies.' The date is significant. Two months later, just as Nelson Rockefeller was hoping that the damage could be limited to a few corporate scapegoats, the Jews arrived in his office with proof that he personally had committed treason against the United States of America." (Loftus and Aarons 165-71).

It was the perfect moment, Loftus and Aarons (165-71) tell us, for blackmail

Today, Nelson Rockefeller is remembered as the Republican millionaire who became vice-president of the United States. But:

". . . in 1947 he was still under a cloud of suspicion for his activities in South America. . . Despite the fact that Rockefeller sat on the Proclaimed List Committee and was in charge of Latin American intelligence, he turned a blind eye to Standard's shipments of South American oil to Hitler. . .[But] by 1947, the Rockefeller publicity machine had things under control, notwithstanding what Judge Clark might have said. Then the Jews arrived with their dossier. They had his Swiss bank records with the Nazis, his signature on correspondence setting up the German cartel in South America, transcripts of his conversations with Nazi agents during the war, and, finally, evidence of his complicity in helping Allen Dulles smuggle war criminals and money from the Vatican to Argentina. . .[The] Zionist[s] blackmail[ed]. . .Nelson Rockefeller. . .Reuven Shiloah, Ben-Gurion's intelligence chief. . . masterminded the operation. . .[W]hen the Zionists confronted Rockefeller, (he) skimmed through the dossier and coolly began to bargain. In return for the votes of the Latin American block, he wanted guarantees that the Jews would keep their mouths shut about the flow of Nazi money and fugitives to South America. There would be no Zionist Nazi-hunting unit, no testimony at Nuremberg about the bankers or anyone else, not a single leak to the press about where the Nazis were living in South America or which Nazis were working for Dulles. The subject of the Nazis was closed. Period. Forever. . .[T]he price for the margin (of votes) of safety [for the admission of the new nation of Israel to the UN] was steep. In effect, the extra votes for passage in the UN were bought with the blood of 6 million Jewish victims of the Holocaust. . .The Zionists' success at the UN General Assembly did not end the danger to their cause. There was no guarantee that the Jews would not be double-crossed. They knew that Forrestal, the Dulleses, and their other enemies would not give up. And they could not blackmail them all. . .". (Loftus and Aarons 165-71)."

But, as we will see shortly, the Jews still had a few blackmail cards in their deck--some of which didn't become useful until the 1980 election, against the Bush family. Another name comes up here, as well. That of Secretary Forrestal. Forrestal was seen on Saipan in July 1944 by Thomas Devine, a U.S. Marine stationed there at the time. He alleges, in his book that he saw Forrestal participate in burning up an aircraft on Saipan At the time, Devine thought this might have been "Amelia Earhart's plane."(Devine 39-42). However, what appear to be the remains of Earhart's plane were discovered near Howland Island recently (Wilkinson 6). This suggests that the plane Forrestal was burning up wasn't Amelia Earhart's plane. I believe a case could be made that this plane was George Bush's plane. Forrestal, it is now clear, knew about and helped cover up Dulles's illegal negotiations with the Nazis as well as Rockefeller's illegal oil shipments to the Nazis out of South America. He not only knew about these things, he covered them up--and even worse, made money off them himself. So, if he would cover up for Dulle's negotiations in Europe, he'd definitely have helped cover up his illegal efforts to sneak his wealth out of Germany into Japanese-occupied Manchuria via a bogus Orthodox "Bishop" named Cikota whom Loftus and Aarons tell us Dulles arranged to have flown to Manchuria with his gold. Simultaneously, Chiang Kai Shek entered into negotiations with the Japanese during their Ichigo Offensive. So it should come as no surprise to us when we read the following about Forrestal:

"The oilmen's counteroffensive began almost immediately. The vote for partition was a setback for the anti-Israel forces but not a complete defeat. There was still time to insure that the Jewish state was stillborn. At a cabinet lunch on December 1, Undersecretary of State Robert Lovett complained that he had never had so much pressure applied to him in his public life to compare with the pro-Zionist lobby effort in the days just before the partition vote. His friend James Forrestal sympathized. The pair were not about to give up. . .". (Loftus and Aarons 165-71).

Loftus and Aarons also introduce us to a shadowy figure in intelligence who I believe was to play a pivotal role in arranging the "October Surprise" of 1980. Though they don't believe this event happened, when one looks at their book in the context of Colodny and Gettlin's book Silent Coup, which describes the important role played by Alexander Haig in "setting up" Nixon--albeit inadvertantly--for impeachment by his manipulative statements, and also Barbara Honnegar's October Surprise , which describes Haig's role in providing arms to Iran at the behest of renegade intelligence and organized crime groups influencing Bush at the time, one begins to see that their "Real Hero of Yom Kippur," Alexander Haig, had also saved Israel a second time--just as he had during the Yom Kippur War when he provided arms to Israel--in prolonging the Iran-Iraq War by supplying arms to Iran at a crucial juncture. Haig was a member of the same illegal and super-secret spy and organized crime organizations of which Bush and Casey belonged, so he knew their secrets. He then supplied these secrets to publisher Robert Maxwell, an agent not only of British, but of Israeli intelligence. Maxwell, Loftus and Aarons tell us, had saved Israel during its beginning:

"David Ben-Gurion's frantic efforts to obtain arms despite Western surveillance. . .In that dark hour he was aided by an unlikely secret agent, an obscure Czech Jew who, more than anyone else, secured the weapons for Israel's survival. By the time he was given a state funeral in Israel, Lev Hoch had become the wealthiest publisher in Britain, at least on paper. Ben-Gurion's Czech spy had changed his name to Robert Maxwell. . .(Loftus and Aarons 196)."

"A British intelligence agent by the name of Robert Maxwell provided the critical link to the supply of arms from Communist Czechoslovakia that saved Israel in 1948 (Loftus and Aarons 197)."

"Forty years later Robert Maxwell would be remembered as the brash British Labor member in Parliament who forged an international media and publishing empire, only to bring about its collapse through corruption on a grand scale, even stealing his employees' pension funds in a desperate effort to stave off financial ruin. His own corruption ended with his premature death, most likely by his own hand, and left his family to face the shame and legal consequences. . .In 1948, however, he was the one man who could arm the nation of Israel. His remarkable success made him into an unlikely national hero. . ." (Loftus and Aarons 200-1).

Lev Hoch now decided it was time to become an Englishman. The British made him not only an officer, but also an army spy. He extended his proficiency in foreign languages after the war--the key to his advancement in British intelligence. Intelligence interrogators skilled in foreign languages were in great demand, and Maxwell was sent to Spandau Prison in Germany. This was the prison where Rudolf Hess and many of the top Nazis were held. Maxwell's skill at interrogation got him a sensitive assignment. It is known that he interrogated several important Nazis, including the custodian of Hitler's will; the SS adjutant to Martin Bormann; Hjalmar Schact, the financial wizard of the Third Reich; and Friedrich Flick, the Nazi steel tycoon who secretly had been one of Allen Dulles's clients (Loftus and Aarons 201-7).

"According to a number of our American intelligence sources, Maxwell may have picked up some incriminating intelligence information from these interrogations, but it is unlikely.{"At this point in his career, Maxwell was little more than an interpreter. There is no indication, for example, that he discovered Schacht's financial links to Dulles. Confidential interviews, former agents, US Counter Intelligence Corps; former senior official, OP."} (Loftus and Aarons 552 foonote). In Germany, Maxwell stumbled across another Jew, Ferdinand Springer, a publisher. . .Springer needed paper and Maxwell needed money. They started a publishing business on the sly. . .According to Alex Mitchell, a British journalist. . .for the Sunday Times, Mitchell discovered Maxwell's role in interrogating Nazi scientists and concluded that he had used his official position to organize a strictly private trade in Nazi scientific papers, which he had taken to London and published in exclusive, and very profitable, editions. . .In 1948, the recently formed Maxwell-Springer company merged with Butterworth Press, another front for m16. The merger involved the German scientists, Maxwell, and a "shadowy and influential person,' Count Frederick Vanden Heuvel. Maxwell's new partner Vandenheuvel was one of the most senior officers of the British secret service. In fact, he was Allen Dulles's counterpart as the M16 station chief in Bern during the war. . .Vanden Heuvel knew all about Richard Kauder's Max network of 'Fascist Jews' the ;window for Dulle's Nazi clients and their money and the Vatican's role. . .After the merger, the new company was called Permagon. It was , according to several of the 'old spies' a covert scientific intelligence collection service disguised as a publishing company. . .[T]he British secret service (later). . .favored Maxwell with the odd government publishing contract. Maxwell kept up his old contacts with Vanden Heuvel, and, in return for Maxwell's tips about the newest German scientists to surface from the postwar Nazi underground, the Count supplied him with juicy pieces of information. . .What no one in British intelligence realized was that Maxwell was a committed Zionist. Maxwell was supported by. . .Richard Kauder. . .head of the Max network." (Loftus and Aarons 201-7).

One can begin to see how an ad for a book which exposed an allegation of treason against George and Prescott Bush during the Second World War could suddenly appear in 1980 and then disappear when one realizes that the method of pressuring the American system via threats of publication of embarrassing information in the media was an old trick for British intelligence (Loftus and Aarons 71-80). It was also one at which Robert Maxwell, who by 1980 was an experienced publisher as well as an experienced British and Israeli intelligence agent, must have been skilled (Loftus and Aarons 201-7).

Maxwell could have used his ability to run ads to good effect. He could have put pressure on George Bush in the 1980 election, once it was clear Bush would be the GOP vice-presidential nominee. He could force Bush to temporarily forego his alliance with the Ba'ath Party in Iraq by cooperating with Israeli agents in getting desperately needed arms to Iran to blunt the Iraqi attack that was then going on. He could also have used his positions as publisher and advertiser to produce a quick book publication, with media advertising. And the same position could then be used to facilitate the equally fast withdrawal of the same book from publication. In short, Robert Maxwell was definitely in a position in 1979 and 1980 to have blackmailed Bush into supporting the arms to Iran initiative. Clearly, such an initiative was something Bush would have been adamantly opposed to otherwise.

The Iran arms initiative lasted only a couple of years. But it was enough to prevent Saddam from winning the Iran-Iraq war rapidly and turning the attentions of his poison gas equipped military against Israel.(Honnegar, "A Neat Idea," October Surprise ). Iran blunted the Iraqi military, draining Iraq and causing a delay in Saddam's and big oil's plans for the extermination of Israel.

Since 1977, when he first created his personal Hitler, Saddam Hussein, Bush had planned to use Saddam to further Arab demands to destroy Israel. Support for Saddam's Ba'ath Party could also unite the Bushes with the right-wing fanatics whom his father had allied the Bush family's wealth with before and throughout World War 2.

Big oil seems to have long been fascinated with Ba'ath, the only living, unsurrendered wing of the Nazi party still in existence and in an official position of power in the world. It seems to have wanted to see it destroy its enemies the Jews with the same weapons it's earlier ally Hitler had attempted to destroy them with in Europe (A. Friedman 8; 285-7; Foreign Relations, 1941 360).

But this was thwarted: the threat of the publication of the first edition of Russell Bowen's book ensured that desperately-needed arms made it to the only nation fighting Iraq. At that time, that was Iran. It also ensured that, instead of the US embassy hostages being released earlier in exchange for the better deal, Licio Gelli's group of organized crime agents--and perhaps their heroin--were let go (Honnegar, "The Name of the Rose," October Surprise). This was the "switch" that Gelli arranged.

Robert Maxwell's position in Britain in 1980 as both a publisher and a British intelligence agent thus could explain the radio ad I heard in Houston. It would also explain how the Russell Bowen book, the first edition of The Immaculate Deception, came into existence and got access to a publisher. The book's appearance, the ad, then the fast disappearance of the book were all products of Robert Maxwell. In return for Bush's cooperation, all this was silenced.

The question of the basic validity of the charge made in the advertisement may also be answered in this scenario. In politics it is not so much whether a given charge is true, it is whether it can be made to appear true for a period of time. If the charge is leveled at a strategic or crucial moment during a political campaign, the effect is devastating. In a two to three week period of major media exposure of such a "scandal," a politician can be completely destroyed. Yet, the politician could even be largely innocent of the worst charges, as long as there was enough "circumstantial evidence" to "make the papers" or the media.

The material which has surfaced over the last ten to fifteen years about Prescott Bush's Nazi connection didn't all surface overnight. But it could have. What if it had? What if, along with this information about Prescott Bush, had come Chester Mierzejewski's contrary claims about what happened over Chi Chi Jima? (Sullivan 56-9). Immediately on the heels of this, the official Marine log showing a discrepancy as to the dates of the Chi Chi Jima raid would have surfaced--indicating someone's interference with Bush's World War II flight records (Hyams 157-71; Tarpley and Chaitkin 101-7). Then would follow publication of how Bush had been listed as "missing in action" by the Navy, even though, after he went down off Chi Chi Jima, Bush supposedly was only missing for about four hours (King 28-32). Then would have come the startling data about Guam: the fact that Bush was missing for as much as 48 hours off Guam while it was still in Japanese hands (Hyams 130-50).

Shortly thereafter could have come the documentation of a Prescott Bush-Allen Dulles connection, alongside data about the secret, illegal and traitorous Dulles negotiations with the Axis against Roosevelt's orders (Loftus and Aarons 71-80). Under such circumstances, amid such a flood of embarrassing data, the charge that George had acted as an illegal courier for Dulles's equally illegal negotiations with Japan would have seemed much more credible. Even the time frame could have been reasonably defended for at least a few days in the media during a political campaign.

Both off Guam and Chi Chi Jima, there were "gaps" as to Bush's exact whereabouts or activities. These roughly correlate with Prescott Bush's companies' and Standard Oil's activities of May and June, 1944 in connection with re-opening the oil trade with Fascist Spain. On May 15, 1944, George Bush flew his first mission in the Pacific in World War II (Hyams 1-50). On May 2, 1944--less than two weeks earlier--George's father's company, Standard Oil, had pressured the Roosevelt Administration to allow it to again ship oil to "neutral" but pro-Axis Spain, from whence tons of oil proceeded to Nazi Germany through the port of Hamburg , home base of Prescott Bush's Hamburg-Amerika Shipping Line (Higham 58-62; Tarpley and Chaitkin 34-40). If these dates were also presented so closely in proximity, further suspicions would have been aroused.

By September of 1944, George Bush's wartime activities correlated with the Allen Dulles activities of late 1944 to mid-1945 in connection with the use of couriers for his "Operation Sunrise" negotiations with Germany and Japan to get the wealth of his Nazi-backing clients out of Axis countries and Swiss banks and into Japanese-occupied Manchuria before the fall of the Axis. It would also have been brought out that the real purpose of Dulles's negotiations was to stave off an Axis defeat and start his own war against Russia using the Axis as allies (Loftus and Aarons 135-44). It wasn't all politics, but Dulles was trying to help engineer a diplomatic coup behind FDR's back. In this plan, Japan and Germany would agree to team up with the US against Russia and Mao tse Tung in China, after ditching their original governments in favor of more moderate leadership (Loftus and Aarons 135-44). The insistence of FDR on pursuing an "unconditional surrender" of the Axis could then be made to appear intransigent and rigid. It would have easily added to the charge, already raised by GOP candidate Dewey in the campaign, that FDR was, in fact, a Communist. (Boller 260-6). This would have given the "flag" back to the GOP during a presidential election campaign year, for the first time in a long time.

This was a new opportunity for Dulles to smuggle his wealth out of the Axis countries under the cover of this new negotiated settlement. The complaints that Chiang Kai Shek had raised in the summer of 1944 over America's having lightly supplied Mao's forces to help us against the Japanese were followed, in May and June during Japan's Ichigo Offensive in Northern China, with secret negotiations by Chiang with the Japanese, including a betrayal of Chiang's own armies in the field to prevent competing generals from seizing power (Bagby 130-6). This China opening, combined with the opportunity to make several million dollars on a late-war "good will" oil shipment to Japan, had just offered too much temptation. The shipment would both grease the wheels for Dulles's negotiations with the Japanese and Germans, and simultaneously line his pockets.

Dulles, Forrestal, Farrish, Draper, Gates, Lovett, Stimson and others--including Prescott Bush--hated FDR and all he stood for anyway. Now was an opportunity to be patriotic Americans, to do the reasonable thing, and to make a buck to boot. For just a few weeks' work, some good will gestures and the assassination of Hitler, Dulles was sure he could bring this off. He just needed a little help, and a little time.

Standard had been able to intimidate FDR into silence at least twice before, and had recently pressured him to reopen trade with Fascist Spain. It was not going to be hard to slide with this shipment to Japan-sympathizing, "neutral" Thailand. Besides, if this connected, FDR could also be pressured into not even mentioning it, since the implication would be that he opposed the new alliance with former Axis countries against Communism. And, indeed, FDR may have been temporarily--until his death--intimidated into silence about this event by the oilmen, using the same blackmail technique they'd used before during the war: if you refuse to cooperate, our oil will go to the Axis, anyway. So FDR wasn't a threat.

But the plan could never get rolling. The tanker was probably already damaged by Allied bombing in some manner by the time the message had completed its circuit and arrived back at Syria from Guam. Though the Saudis followed up and sent out the tanker, it was listing badly before even halfway through the voyage and it's doubtful it survived the voyage. On top of this, British commandos had destroyed the now-famous Kwai River bridge which had been built with POW labor between Thailand and Burma by this time. The tanker could have been foundering in the waves off the coast of Thailand, just as George was thrashing in the waters off Chi Chi Jima. From that point, all that could be done was to cover up the secret treason, since that was what it was turning out to be. And that secret treason of 1944 was the grist which made the arms to Iran initiative of 1980 work out successfully for those who knew how to use blackmail effectively.

The Jewish intelligence people, including Robert Maxwell, and the Americans Alexander Haig and Donald Gregg could all have been instrumental in the bringing into the light of day, for a brief time in 1980, Russell Bowen's first edition of The Immaculate Deception. But another dimension must be noted in that Licio Gelli may even have had a voluntarily-given copy of an incriminating document from Bush as his price of membership in P-2, Gelli's Fascist underground in Italy and Europe (Honnegar, "The Name of the Rose," October Surprise ).

George Bush, supposedly neither a Fascist nor anti-Semitic, may never acted have as a courier to Japan. Yet several powerful pieces of evidence, including important details about the Battle of the Phillipine Sea, argue that he did. Allen Dulles definitely authorized and supervised treasonous, illegal courier negotiations with the Axis, including Japan, during a time when he was also Prescott Bush's attorney (Loftus and Aarons 135-44; 165-71). George Bush himself has been closely associated with men who were active couriers for the Axis in World War II (Bellant 75; Bowen 2-4; Simpson 77-8). Going into World War II, Prescott Bush clearly held "eugenicist" racial views which called for the elimination of "weaklings" from society, as he helped transport Nazi ideologues to the US on his shipping line during the time they were forming their ideas (Tarpley and Chaitkin 46-52). Prescott was also an agent of Standard Oil throughout World War 2, until 1952, and was a lifelong associate of a group of men who definitely acted as Axis agents. What is equally clear is that George Bush's family, by the end of the Depression, was financially "in hock" to this group (Tarpley and Chaitkin 15-40). Even though George may have spent much of his time in the war attacking the Japanese, he may have had to look out for his family's name and finances as well, as his father's attorney and company attempted cut deals with the Axis illegally and behind Roosevelt's back.

Alternately, Robert Maxwell may simply have been keen at perceiving a window of vulnerability for the Bush campaign. With just enough circumstantial evidence to work to "convict" a campaigning politician in the media, Maxwell may have known that the "appearance of impropriety" is more important at that moment than the actuality of that impropriety--or even how provable that impropriety would be in any long-term way. But perhaps even more importantly, George Bush may have instantly realized this, as well.

A family financial obligation is an onerous thing to bear. For those in positions of power it can be a source of enormous vulnerability. There is little doubt that many of the Bush family's latter day dealings with the likes of Allen Dulles and Saddam Hussein were a product of such financial obligation. These things were not done out of desire, but out of financial obligation. When rebellion could be instituted it had to be done cautiously or incrementally.

Only as the family became freed up, little by little, from its financial obligations, could George follow his heart, as he had when he enlisted to fight against the Axis. George's activities in Skull and Bones when he opened that previously "all white" bastion up to minority groups, or his final act as President in 1992 in sending US troops to Somalia to aid groups the eugenicists despised, are two examples of such "liberated" actions.

Another example could probably be noted in the body language of George Bush the Commander in Chief in 1991, when he ordered allied forces to attack "Saddam Hussein the dictator" and "a Hitler." Only as the Commander in Chief, in full charge, could he be sufficiently free to defy his father's financial "makers." In Bush's face, in those moments of command, can be seen a relief, a disappearance of certain lines for a time--as if he had been freed up. And perhaps he had been. Whether he could, with absolute safety from exposure, follow up on demands against Ba'ath, is not at all clear. But he was free enough to militarily defeat Saddam, the living inheritor of Allen Dulles's Ba'ath Party. He could tell Saddam in no uncertain terms, after the offensive was rolling that, regardless of the dirt the Ba'ath Party had on he and his father, he could still "blow Saddam out of the water."

Even at that point, Saddam might have exposed Bush by releasing incriminating World War II information. But Bush was then in a position to point out to him that he couldn't live to see the results of such an exposure, with huge American forces staring down his throat. And Bush could now do some blackmail of his own. In return for Saddam and Ba'ath's silence on the matter of his family's World War II treason, Bush agreed to allow both to remain in power in Iraq, arranging the betrayal of those he was officially allied with at the end of the war: those Iraqis who sought to depose Saddam and Ba'ath. He encouraged Saddam's opponents to come out in the open and wage civil war, in return promising US aid. Then, fulfilling his promise to Saddam, Bush betrayed the Iraqi opposition by denying the promised US aid. PBS-TV's Frontline says that, having been thus caught in the open, waiting for desperately-needed American aid that never came, Saddam's military opposition was virtually wiped out within months.

In the conclusion to their book The Secret War Against the Jews, Loftus and Aarons dare to be optimistic about the future of possible peace negotiations in the Middle East. It is clear that, whatever else has happened, a key player, Iraq and its Ba'ath Party, has been dealt a bum hand by one who had always been one of its blackmail victims in the past. At least one bond has been broken.

It is only one bond. But given the web of such bonds one suspects that many other Westerners were freed up by the destruction of the Iraqi military threat to Israel. Even if the destruction of that threat was only temporary--even if some business associates began immediately to rearm Saddam--never again can an Arab nation be sure that a corporate family in the West will act to defend Arab interests at all costs.

There may still be compromises with Western eugenicists, as in the possible experimentation on allied forces during the Gulf War. (U.S. House Report/ Exposure to Chemical/Biological Agents). But such actions are going to be increasingly vulnerable to investigation and exposure. Saddam may still try to blackmail Westerners who allied with him by claiming he could expose their complicity in his "Gulf War Syndrome." Although it is a claim which would probably backfire in any longer term scenario, it may be the final bond that holds Western corporations and corporate families to the Arab nations.

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Wilkinson, Stephan. "Amelia Earhart: Is the Search Over?" Air and Space Smithsonian, August 1992. 26