Another Reason Why America Became Involved in "Anti-Communism" in Asia
In the aftermath of the still sometimes-acrimonious "debate" over "who went" and "who didn't go" to the Vietnam War during the 1960s and '70s, we need to closely and clearly examine the historical and economic forces that put us there in the first place. In 1988, Democratic Vice-Presidential candidate, Texas Senator Lloyd Bentsen's caustic remark to GOP would-be Veep Dan Quayle of Indiana ("I knew Jack Kennedy, I worked with Jack Kennedy, Jack Kennedy was a friend of mine. Senator, you're no Jack Kennedy")--a seeming rebuke of Quayle's having "gotten out" of Vietnam by serving in the National Guard through the intervention and influence of his father, struck a short-term chord with voters, but in a longer view, touched an even deeper vein of doubt.
For, was Lloyd Bentsen--among other Lyndon Johnson Texas Democrat politicians--actually a "friend" of Jack Kennedy at all? Or did he or his chronies actually cause the death of JFK? Much has been written and speculated about this, including the 1991 movie JFK, that purports to show a possible LBJ hand in a conspiracy to kill JFK. But aside from any shorter-term military-industrial complex involvement in a plot to kill JFK and escalate the American military involvement in Vietnam, there is a longer-term view of that and other Asian "anti-Communist" crusades that serves to illustrate the involvement of the Dulles brothers in efforts to cover their treason tracks in World War II by using their powerful postwar positions in the US government, to ensure traitors of that War were backed by the US government--while our previous allies were done in. Why? The deaths of many of those allies at the hands of US-funded WW2 Quislings, helped to silence the truth of the Dulleses treason in World War II--a truth that may have been a little too widely known for the likes of the Dulleses to have been really comfortable.
Among those who had some glimmering of the truth of that World War II Dulles and Standard Oil treason--the real depth of which was not revealed until the 1980s and '90s with the publication of expose books like Charles Higham's Trading With the Enemy, Christopher Simpson's Blowback, and ultimately Loftus and Aarons' Secret War Against the Jews--were those associated with guerilla and nationalist movements in Vietnam, the Philippines, Burma and, to an extent, Korea. In each case, the Dulleses saw to it that former traitors were backed by our nation, our own guns turned against those who had fought valiantly against the Japanese enemy in World War II.
Those former allies fought hard to get the American people's attention, and to point out the hypocrisy of the policies we were pursuing under Dulles influence. While ostensibly striving to contain "totalitarianism" and Communism, the Dulleses were in fact backing persons who had assisted Japanese imperialist totalitarians only a few short years before.
In the case of the Philippines, that hypocrisy can be seen in the way the Dulleses manipulated the confusion among persons such as returning US General MacArthur. MacArthur had long been of two minds on how to treat such persons as Roxas, a Japanese puppet politician. On two occasions, American intelligence agents had been sent in to speak with Roxas, while he was a member of the Japanese collaborationist regime. On the first such visit, in 1943, Roxas was offered a trip out of the Philippines to a waiting US sub, thence to US lines, where he could help plan the guerrilla tactics against the Japanese troops occupying the Philippines as US troops landed.
Roxas didn't betray the US intelligence agents on their first visit, but declined that as well as a previous guerrilla offer of escape. The next year, US agents again paid Roxas a call and repeated the offer. This time, they were betrayed to the Japanese, possibly by Roxas himself, and killed. (Manchester 441).
Roxas repeatedly assisted the Japanese in administering the Philippines. "In his study of the Philippines between 1942 and 1944, Hernando J. Abaya concluded that Roxas became 'puppet Laurel's closest advisor and colleague.'"(Manchester 441). As early as October of 1943, Roxas helped the Japanese draft the puppet government's constitution. (Manchester 441). And as US forces approached the islands in 1944 to retake them from Japan, the puppet officials were dismayed by the US triumphs. Laurel and three others were flown to Tokyo via Formosa, while Roxas and most others were left to fend for themselves as the US landed.Manchester tells us:
"In mid-April, as GIs of the 33rd Division neared the summer capital, Roxas, three other ministers in the puppet government and the chief justice of the Philippine Supreme Court entered American lines. When MacArthur heard about it, he sent a plane to fetch Roxas. He embraced him in Manila and instructed the editors of the Free Philippines, a newspaper published by the Office of War Information, to turn out a story...The "escape" of Roxas, [who had merely accompanied the other Quislings] was described in terms that might have been envied by Harry Houdini or the Prisoner of Zenda...MacArthur transferred him to the inactive list, where he could lay the groundwork [for his coming postwar presidential campaign in the Philippines]...which was precisely what Roxas wanted. His Manila Daily News, owned by the Roxas family, resumed publication and began running daily stories on the General's exoneration of him, asserting that Roxas 'has already been cleared by no less an authority than General of the Army Douglas MacArthur.
"By making this one exception, MacArthur had crippled the prosecution of all the quislings. A State Department official, sent to Manila, reported to Washington that 'liberals, guerrillas, and anti-collaborationists are very bitter over this matter.'..." (Manchester 489-90).
Advised by persons such as Richard K. Sutherland and Courtney Whitney--both influenced by the treasonous Dulles clique, MacArthur set in motion events that resulted in the betrayal of America's brave allies in the Philippines during the harsh Japanese invasion and occupation. Aided by the Dulleses, American foreign policy there was to have the effect of killing off those who knew too much about Americans who'd committed treason during the Second World War.
Another tragic example of the Dulles influence is found in Burma (now Myanmar). There, as the traitorous Ne Win/U Nu government took power as the Japanese withdrew, their previous collaboration was also repeatedly overlooked as the US and its allies supported their "anti-Communist" efforts to keep power through military rule and repression. Often killing dissenters to their policies on sight, they were well-funded and supplied with US military equipment. As the 1992 movie Beyond Rangoon makes vividly clear, troops dressed in American helmets, using American gear, wearing American uniforms and firing American weapons, fired into unarmed crowds at point-blank range, using a level of brutality Americans would never have coutenanced had they known of its existence. However, thanks to the Dulleses, such policies were well-entrenched by the first couple of years of the end of World War II.
The Japanese puppets used their Dulles-armed troops to gun down our previous allies during the Second World War--among them, brave guerrilla soldiers whose activities against the Japanese had helped save US lives in battle. The thanks they often got was a bullet, fired at US taxpayers' expense. Ne Win's highly-debatable record as a "Burmese nationalist" during World War II (he helped the Japanese set up their "New Order of Asia" and actively recruited troops for their puppet Burmese army that fought against the US and its allies in WW2) was the excuse the Dulleses used in backing him against his "Communist" opponents. (Reader's Digest Almanac for 1968, 78). While it is true that a small part of Un Nu/Ne Win's military effort did go to firing shots at Communist guerrillas, the vast majority of his opponents were merely democratically-oriented idealists struggling to model the Burmese system on that of Britain and the US. They were tragically betrayed by the US foreign policy reversal of policy of the late-40s and '50s, a policy that continued into the 1990s under Reagan and Bush.
And again, as in the Phillipines, among those democrats that were gunned down by the Dulles-backed forces in Burma were persons who undoubtedly "knew too much" about Standard Oil's secret efforts to negotiate with the Japanese. That may have included knowledge of Dulles's illegal courier network out of Manchuria, and even the possible George Bush illegal courier mission to Guam of June, 1944, (discussed elsewhere on this website and in my book Tim, George Bush and Me: The Undercurrents In All Our Lives)
Going into the Korean War, few Americans, know the depth to which US foreign policy had been oriented away from the idea that Korea was in America's sphere of influence or even of any consequence to US national security interests. Manchester tells us:
"George Marshall, [Dean] Acheson's predecessor as secretary of state. . . had held that American should not strengthen Rhee's army once South Korea was an independent nation, no longer under Washington's control. His real concern was that Rhee might pounce on North Korea. AT the time, this was considered likelier than a move southward by Kim Il Sung, and indeed Rhee's militant statements supported this opinion...
"In Washington, reports [suggesting North Korean superior military strength] were filed and forgotten. Indifference... was shared by both parties. . .Congressional Republicans fought all appropriations for Seoul...torpedoed Truman's request for sixty million dollars of Korean economic aid, and on January 19, 1950, the lower house, at their urging, defeated by a 193 to 192 vote a small measure which would have provided five hundred US Army officers to supervise the equipping of South Korean troops." (Manchester 640-1).
Manchester goes on to note that Secretary of State Acheson, clearly speaking for President Truman and both parties in Congress, made it plain that Korea was not considered a vital American national security interest in that same time--only a few months before the June invasion by the North. Like April Glaspie's remarks shortly before Saddam Hussein's invasion of Kuwait in 1990, Acheson's statements were a virtual "green light" to the North to invade the South. And General MacArthur sounded the same theme: US defense lines didn't include Korea or even Formosa. But by April 25, 1950, President Truman signed a then-secret National Security Direcive 68, pledging 20 percent of US resources to defend against Communist aggression "anywhere in Asia." The Directive was kept secret, and the first even General MacArthur heard about it came from--you guessed it, one of the Dulleses, who no doubt helped author it.
"...a speech by John Foster Dulles. In the Far East as a special representative of the secretary of state, working on the Japanese peace treaty, Dulles took time out to tour the 38th parallel (US-created line between N. and S. Korea) and speak in Seoul. ON June 17, 1950--very late in the day--he told the South Korean National Assembly that the American people remained 'faithful to the cause of human freedom and loyal to those everywhere who honorably support it.' A new line had been drawn. Unfortunately, the language was imprecise, and Moscow, Peking and Pyongyang, aware that the speaker's party was out of power in the United States, ignored the warning. .." (Manchester 642-3).
Manchester also notes that, had the Directive not been kept secret, but publicized, the Korean War would "almost certainly" have been avoided. "Unaware of it, Stalin and Kim Il Sung assumed that South Korea was ripe for the picking." (Manchester 643).
As late as May 17, 1950, General MacArthur himself assumed that "under no circumstances would the United States engage in the military defense of the Korean peninsula. Now, Dulles, Acheson's personal envoy, was saying it would. The Supreme Commander noted that apparently Dulles had 'reversed the previous policy by the State Department" (Manchester 643). It was a policy that included MacArthur's complete withdrawal of all US forces from Korea in the early summer of 1949 (Manchester 636), and a statement by the then-chair of the Senate Foreign Relations committe in May 1950 explicitly saying that Russia could seize South Korea at her convenience and the United States probably would not intervene, since Korea was 'not very greatly important.'". (Manchester 642). Thus, when Korea did attack on June 24, 1950, the Dulleses had shortly before shifted US policy to a military commitment to the South. The commitment included support of the right-wing, even pro-Japanese government of South Korea that is widely-known as a suppressor of human rights and a killer of dissenters. Among those conveniently silenced by such policies could have been those Koreans who had some knowledge of the Dulleses traitorous and illegal World War II courier activities out of Japanese-occupied Manchuria, and/or their cover-up of Japanese who should have been tired for war crimes, such as Tsuji Masanobu.
The final country in which such traitors' wars was fought was, of course, Vietnam. Numerous sources, such as Alexander Kendrick's Wound Within, tell us in excrutiating detail the numerous ways the pro-allied VietMinh were betrayed by the French government after the War in favor of the Japanese puppet government administration in Saigon, headed by Emperor Bao Dai. After promising Indochinese democracy and independence after the War, with Ho Chi Minh--head of the Viet Minh--to be an elected President of all of Vietnam, the French reneged and attempted to perpetuate Bao Dai's pro-Fascist regime. When the people rebelled, they were subjected to nearly ten more years of warfare before France finally withdrew in 1954. Only when the US seemed to be stepping in to "fill the gap" under the influence of the Dulles brothers, did the French agree to pull out.
As the US military role in South Vietnam gradually escalated in its attempts to support the unpopular Saigon regimes, soldiers dressed in US uniforms, bearing US weapons, were again, as in Burma and elsewhere, seen to fire point-blank into unarmed crowds. Prime Minister Diem, interested in an accomodation with Ho Chi Minh, was killed by a clique out of the US State Department headed by Henry Cabot Lodge, Nixon's vice-presidential candidate in the latter's unsuccessful 1960 Presidential campaign against JFK.
Heated and sometimes apparently destroyed telegrams and messages suggest strongly that Lodge's group had Diem murdered by a military junta. They were concerned about reports that Diem was about to ask the US to leave Vietnam as a government headed by Ho Chi Minh and either Duong Van Minh or Diem himself would take power over all of Vietnam from Hanoi. The Kennedy Administration, unable to follow events fast enough, sought briefly to look into the allegation that Lodge's group had Diem murdered.
But before JFK could look too closely at the Diem killing, he himself was killed by a possible conspiracy. The Warren Commission, which subsequently investigated JFK's death, has been criticized by a wide range of persons, including the academic and legal scholar G. Robert Blakey, who came to the conclusion in 1979, in working with the US Congress, that JFK's death was the result of a probable conspiracy that involved organized crime, especially Carlos Marcello--who was subsequently linked to self-described JFK assassination "investigator" Jim Garrison of New Orleans.
In any event, whether JFK was killed by a conspiracy, the effect of the Dulles/Lodge backed murder and coup against Diem was a continuation of the Vietnam war. One effect of that was a continuation of the drug trade the Mob needed for several more years. Another was to silence persons in the Viet Minh who had knowledge of the OSS's suspicions regarding certain of its "own" (including Allen Dulles) and their possible World War II treason. With our former allies in the Viet Minh as enemies, any information coming from that community of guerrilla warriors in World War II could be effectively silenced in the name of "stopping Communist propaganda."
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